IN THE West, popular media coverage of China’s recent past often swings between two types of stories. There are those that emphasize how much and how quickly China has transformed itself in recent decades, in which journalists enthuse about skyscrapers in Shanghai and KFC in Kunming. And then there are stories that stress the endurance of the past, in which reporters remind their audiences of the tight control the CCP maintains over the media, the economy, and many other aspects of Chinese society. Readers might find themselves wondering: is the big story how much China has changed since the days of Mao—or how little?

A few days back, China Central Television reported some of the details in the match fixing scandal involving a number of former top figures in the Chinese Football Association (CFA), the governing body of professional soccer in China, as well as some referees. Facing the camera, one of the suspects, international referee Huang Junjie (黄俊杰), said one thing through flowing tears that was real food for thought. Huang words were: “I’m sorry to all those soccer fans, and I’m sorry to my parents. The only people I didn’t let down is that group of officials in the Chinese Football Association. I didn’t let them down!”
One question I had in watching this story concerned the weak monitoring role the public and the press played on the Chinese Football Association. For at least two decades now there have been regular revelations on CCTV and in various provincial media of problems and corruption in Chinese football, with the finger pointing always to the CFA.
The CFA, which is at the head of the Chinese national football world, has endured wave upon wave of media reporting and public accusation. But where are the results? The rumblings have gone on year in and year out, but nothing whatsoever has changed. Some of our newspapers have in the past faced legal action from the CFA, from some of the well-known referees now in custody, and from football club bosses — and in most cases they have lost in court. Press supervision and the internet seem powerless to do anything about the CFA, which is like the proverbial “dead pig that fears not the scalding water.”
Huang Junjie said that “the only people I didn’t let down is that group of officials in the Chinese Football Association.” So the second question I had was, where exactly did these officials in the CFA come from? How does the CFA get to have officials to begin with? And let’s remember, it’s not just one or two officials we’re talking about who are involved in corruption, but “that group of officials.” Further, why is it that Huang had no fear of letting football fans down — or his own parents, for that matter — but would not dare let down “that group of officials”?
According to the “general rules” of the CFA’s charter, the CFA is a national sports body corporate under law specializing in football [activities]. The CFA is an organizational member of the All-China Sports Federation (ACSF), and is subject to the operational guidance and supervision of both the ACSF and the Ministry of Civil Affairs. The aim of social organizations like the CFA is to shoulder responsibilities for the government and to undertake public service activities. They build wide-ranging relationships with various social sectors, and serve public service and charity functions as well.
It is quite clear, though, that the CFA is not a Party or government organ, but rather a “social organization as legal person” (社会团体法人). That means it has no business being provided with or turning out officials. But when Huang Junjie talks about “that group of officials in the China Football Association,” he is no doubt talking about real officials with real names, with real administrative standing and holding real power. Clearly these officials have violated laws and regulations. How, otherwise, could they have been so unscrupulous in their efforts to rent-seek, cashing in on their positions of power?
Aside from possessing administrative power in violation of the rules, the CFA has further transgressed its role, directly managing subsidiary companies that organize football competitions and engage in other related business. This is a “social organization” outfitted with official posts and at the same time able to conduct business, in the major business market that football is no less. But on the other hand, the CFA enjoys some distance from officialdom, and therefore it is not watched to the same degree by anti-corruption officials. How could such a “social organization” possibly stay clean?
This article originally appeared in Chinese at The Beijing News on April 5, 2011.

In a video posted to Youtube on April 5, Chinese activist Zhao Lianhai (赵连海) calls for the release of Ai Weiwei (艾未未) and other Chinese dissidents who have been jailed and detained in recent months or weeks. Zhao has worked tirelessly for the interests of the parents of children who were, like his own son, harmed in the 2008 poisoned milk scandal in China. In 2010, Zhao was sentenced to 2.5 years in prison for “disturbing social order” through his activities. He was released on medical parole in December 2010.
In the video address, Zhao holds his son as he describes the pain he has felt as he has watched many of his friends and fellow dissidents suffer various forms of “persecution” at the hands of the authorities. He calls on the government to release Ai Weiwei and other “prisoners of conscience.”

The full Chinese text of Zhao’s video speech was transcribed by Hong Kong’s Apple Daily and included in yesterday’s edition of the paper. A full English translation follows:

Hello, everyone. My name is Zhao Lianhai. It’s been three months or so now since I’ve returned home. Of late, I’ve been greatly pained to look on as many of my friends suffer extreme allegations, persecution and pressure. [I felt this] especially a few days ago as I learned that Ai Weiwei, our Old Ai, has also gone missing.
Even now, the authorities have said nothing about his situation. As we see it, what we hope is that the authorities can treat more people with a greater degree of goodwill, and can with methods more rational face the problems in our society. We hope that all things can find resolution in the context of respect for the law. If a country hasn’t the most basic standards of law, we all live in an environment of fear. We hope . . . Our hearts are laid bare, and full still with a generous measure of goodwill, we hope that the authorities can on a great many questions seek to interact with the people with greater goodwill and sincerity, that they can really and truly face head on the just calls of the people, and not simply neglect them, or even turn violence upon them.
We do not wish to see China ultimately become what Libya is today, descending into such fierce conflict. We hope rather that China can, in the face of these important tensions today, in the face of these conflicts, see from the authorities greater sincerity of mind, greater consideration for the country, for the Chinese people, for the future of the country, and for the public. We hope that ultimately we have more applause, more fresh flowers, and even more fireworks. I’ve spoken quite a bit about this lately with my wife. These best intentions of ours, I think these best intentions express the true feeling of many of our friends, including our Ai Weiwei. Although there are times when we criticize the government, and sometimes this can be quite pointed, these are things we feel quite resigned about expressing.
Our son was one of the babies who suffered from kidney stones [as a result of the 2008 milk scandal]. In the more than a year I was not at home, I know my child missed me dearly. And I know to that now, even after I have returned, my child’s kidney stones have not abated. Moreover, I know that many more children are experiencing poor health, that the health situation for many children is growing more severe. We hope that the authorities can take real steps, and try new measures, to deal with many problems.
Just a moment ago, I was talking about these things with an older brother of mine, and we were saying how we Chinese place a lot of emphasis on human feeling (人情), that we emphasize human feelings . . . (weeps). A number of friends I know in the national security police, in a sense our relationship is predestined. In terms of respect, we refer to those older than us as older brother, personally that is. Of course, on other matters, well, business is business, and we still need to talk things through correctly. But we also hope that on more things, as I just said, they can treat us better, on a basis of mutual respect and greater understanding, knowing more fully the wrongs that people are suffering today. I’m always thinking to myself, our child was so young and suffered such harm to his body. Our conflicts today between the government and the people, I often talk about this with friends, including those friends [in national security], have reached a situation of extreme tension such as has never been seen. We fear that these sort of tensions might spark fierce conflict. We are worried.
Lately, the authorities have arrested a great many people. As I just said, there are a number of us who have been quite fierce in our criticism of the government, but we are still full of goodwill. If you take all of these calls that are full of goodwill . . . It is in this way that we hope to eliminate tensions, and once these people have all been rounded up, ordinary people will see no hope whatsoever, and many people . . . Let me put it simply. We have met many petitioners. And in the midst of these masses of petitioners there are many people like Ai Weiwei, including Ran Yunfei (冉云飞), who was also arrested recently. There are many people. There are people like Teng Biao (滕彪) and Tang Jitian (唐吉田) about whom we haven’t had any news at all. Many, many people. Many petitioners, including many ordinary people who have suffered injury and loss, they see that there are people like this and they feel a sense of hope. They too hope that many things can be resolved through legal channels. We, and many ordinary people, still have some sense of tolerance [or forgiveness] for many of our government leaders. This is an attitude we hope we can sustain. But the most important thing is our hope that these problems are properly resolved.
I’ve just said that we Chinese place a high priority on human feelings. Of course, we hope that all matters of human feelings can be resolved within the framework of the law. If a nation has no laws, if the people of a nation cannot use the law to protect our rights and interests, if we cannot use the law to protect our younger generations (weeping) . . . We . . . Our human feelings are marked not only by pain, but we have more feeling. We are suffering, hurt, discouraged.
Ah, it’s been months now, connecting with the authorities and officials all along, no matter on what issues or sharing what views, and we’ve all been full of goodwill. We’ve suffered some wrongs as individuals, but that’s fine. We’re all adults, right. We can withstand it. But we hope that this country has a brighter future, so that more of these children who will grow up in our wake live in a happy country, without fear, without persecution. Ah, I didn’t think I would get so worked up. These words I’m saying are coming right from my gut. I hope our leaders can hear this, can understand our wishes as the people. The errors and mistakes of the past don’t matter. We have time to make amends, including the government. Ah, right here, right now, all I can do is let out my voice, calling on the authorities to release Ai Weiwei, and to release all of those who have been arrested recently — these people who have such a strong sense of responsibility to their society.
I believe that, well, if the authorities express definite goodwill, we are ready to feel it. And are also extremely heartened by the hope that we might see such a moment. We hope that in the not-too-distant future, we can work in consultation together to resolve all of the problems we face. In this China of ours, with its vast civilization of 5,000 years, a vast nation in the world, we should be able to show a civilized attitude before the rest of the world. But some actions of the authorities today, we can be silent about them no longer. We must offer our criticism. Of course our attitude is first and foremost one of expectation. We hope that we can work together to resolve many issues, working together to make this a better country, so that there is no more of this persecution, so that no more families suffer.
I’d like to say just a few things about the babies who were injured [in the 2008 milk scandal]. I’ve recently come to learn something more of the situation, and it seems that many children have been unable to receive timely treatment, including some children whose cases have become more serious. Local governments, and relevant departments included, have simply turned their backs. We hope first of all from a humanitarian viewpoint, from the most basic consideration of our children, that some practical things be urgently done. I’m sure that all parents will have an attitude of tolerance in looking at the tragedies that befell each of our families. In this age of hours, we can withstand a measure of grievance. But we hope that all of the ills we bear can bring more goodness for this country of ours, creating a better social environment for those who come after us. In that society, all of our generations will live in security.
There is one more thing that needs to be emphasized. [We] hope that all things are handled through procedures of rule of law, that all things will be fairly and impartially resolved through the law. Many problems that we face, as I’ve just mentioned, we understand as a matter of human feeling, but human feelings as a precondition must be built within the framework of the law, built within a domain of fairness and justness. As to some methods of the authorities today, we can only criticize them. As to how we will be handled after we have voiced these criticisms, this is something we can’t consider. We hope that what we do, even if our voices are weak, can rouse the minds of more people to deeper thought, and can rouse our rulers, those authorities in power, even if it prompts just a bit of reflection. Even if we suffer more injustice, we would be grateful [for such reflection]. Finally, I want to call again, stress again, that Ai Weiwei be released quickly, and that all, including Ran Yunfei, who have entered prison for their consciences be released. In this country of our, we must let things of conscience live on. (child sleeps).
Ah, my child is so small. Since I’ve come back, my child has worried constantly that I’ll be taken away again. My child always says to me, Dad, don’t do things anymore, or else they’ll come arrest you again. When they are this way, I can only encourage my child, and talk about this with my family and with my wife . . . I’m confident that when my child grows up he’ll understand, and will approve of all of these things I’m doing today. We also hope that the efforts we make today, as I just said, the injustices we suffer, the harm we suffer, can guarantee that they will suffer less in the future, or not at all.
I believe, simply put, that children are the future of our nation, and the future of every family. I want to say to the authorities, and down to all of us ordinary people, let us all go an reflect on all of these abnormal things happening today. Then, rationally and urgently, let us come up with plans to solve them. Of course, the most critical part still lies with our authorities, because some things done by the authorities today should be sharply criticized by us, and there are some things that have already reached such a point that we can no longer withstand it. We have no other way. We cannot remain silent, and we reject silence. Ah . . . For the sake of the most basic justice, for this world, for this nation of ours, for the sake of the most elementary justice in our society . . . That’s it, I guess, my child . . . he’s sleeping. That’s it.

For a full PDF version of the Chinese-language chapter on Ai Weiwei (艾未未) in the China Media Project’s book China’s Bold Bloggers, click on this link and download: 中国猛博: 艾未未.

The following is a translation of the lead editorial appearing yesterday in the Chinese-language edition of Global Times, a newspaper published by China’s official People’s Daily. The editorial accuses the West of politicizing the “leading away” of artist and activist Ai Weiwei (艾未未) in Beijing before all of the facts in the case become clear.
The editorial refers to calls for Ai Weiwei’s release as “a blind charge against China’s basic political framework, and a trampling of China’s judicial sovereignty.”
The Global Times own English translation of the editorial can be found here.

“The Law Will Not be Twisted for Mavericks”
Global Times
April 6, 2011
Ai Weiwei, who has been called an “avant-garde artist,” was reportedly “led away” by Chinese police recently, and a number of Western governments and “human rights organizations” quickly stepped out to interfere, demanding that China immediately release Ai Weiwei. They also elevated this matter as a “worsening of human rights” in China, and called Ai Weiwei a “champion of human rights in China.”
To take a single Chinese justice case and elevate it to a higher plane, even as the facts of the situation are not yet clear, and to use heated editorials to attack China, this is a blind charge against China’s basic political framework, and a trampling of China’s judicial sovereignty.
For the West to act in this way is to deliberately take a simple case and put it in a position within national politics, or even international politics, to which it is impertinent. It disrupts the attention of Chinese society, with the goal of reforming the value system of the Chinese people.
Ai Weiwei is a “performance artist” who has been quite active in recent years, and he is often called an “avant-garde artist.” He is a maverick standing on his own. He goes against artistic tradition, and he loves “shocking others with words” (惊人之语) and “shocking others with actions” (惊人之举). He also enjoys moving at the “fringes of the law”, doing things “the legality or illegality of which” ordinary people can’t quite grasp. On April 1, he set off for Taiwan by way of Hong Kong, and there followed reports of procedural problems, the specific situation remaining unknown.
As Ai Weiwei loves doing things his way, he often does things “others don’t dare to do.” Moreover, he is surrounded by people of similar ilk. He is probably quite clear himself that he is often not very far from the red line of Chinese law. Or perhaps he relishes this feeling. Objectively speaking, on the question of how we should view such a person, Chinese society has little experience, and there are few legal precedents. But so long as Ai Weiwei constantly “rushes to the front,” his one day “meeting the line” is a distinct possibility. For China, a nation of 1.3 billion people, to have a few wild and intractable sorts like Ai Weiwei is just normal. Art can insist on countless exceptions, but the law insists that there are checks and limits on exceptional conduct (例外行为). It’s only natural that China should have people like Ai Weiwei, and a China without such persons is unrealistic. In the same way, laws putting restrictions on the “breakthroughs” of such people are also natural and a necessary part of China.
The West neglects the complex environment in which Chinese justice proceeds, and it also neglects the complex character of Ai Weiwei’s personal conduct. On the case of his “being led away,” [they] use a single political slogan and say “human rights are worsening” in China. “Human rights” truly has become a bucket of paint wielded by Western politicians and media. They see something and they paint something [with this accusation], masking out all of the details and specifics in the world.
This basic concept of “human rights” has been turned by the West into something that is incompatible with all of the great economic and social advancements of China. This is a great joke. And it is the principal reason why when the West uses “human rights” to apply pressure on China, it suffers the disdain of the Chinese people. The lives of the Chinese are advancing. Public power faces greater and greater scrutiny. It is now the order of the day for the masses to voice their views through the internet. Can all of this be wiped away? The lot of a single Ai Weiwei, and the lots of a few Chinese mavericks [like him], cannot be put on the same level as the development and progress of human rights in China.
The specific circumstances of Ai Weiwei “being led away” will no doubt soon be clear. But essentially, if Ai Weiwei decides to take a different attitude toward the law than that of ordinary people, the law will neither bend nor retreat in the face of Western pressure and criticism on behalf of any “special persons.”
History will make its own judgement of such a person as Ai Weiwei. But before this happens, they will sometimes pay a price for their own peculiar decisions, as happens in any society. As China moves forward as a whole, no one person has the right to make our entire people accommodate their personal views of what is right and wrong. This has nothing whatsoever to do with whether or not the rights of a few are respected.

In an official news release citing information from the Public Security Bureau, China’s official Xinhua News Agency briefly reported last night that artist Ai Weiwei (艾未未) is under investigation for economic crimes. But the official release disappeared almost immediately. Hong Kong’s Wen Wei Po, a newspaper in the territory generally regarded as supporting the Chinese Communist Party, also reported today on the Xinhua release and its rapid disappearance.
The Wen Wei Po report mentions a hardline editorial on the Ai Weiwei case in yesterday’s Chinese-language Global Times newspaper. Stay tuned to CMP for more on that editorial.
The following is a partial translation of the piece in Hong Kong’s Wen Wei Po today.

“Xinhua News Agency: Ai Weiwei Under Investigation for Economic Crimes”
April 7, 2011
According to Xinhua News Agency reports — Xinhua News Agency reported in the early hours of the morning today, citing Public Security Bureau information, that Ai Weiwei was under investigation in accordance with the law for suspected involvement in economic crimes.
China’s Official Media Accuse the West of Interference
According to the China News Agency (中通社), the Global Times, [a paper] under the banner of China’s official People’s Daily newspaper, has run a lead editorial today under the headline, “The Law Will Not be Twisted for Mavericks” (法律不会为特立独行者弯曲), which answers the international community’s calls for the release of Ai Weiwei, who has been called “China’s avant-garde artist.” The Reuters news agency reports that the editorial accuses Western governments for their calls on China to release avant-garde artist Ai Weiwei, saying Ai Weiwei has long tested the limits of Chinese laws, and must pay the price for this . . .
According to the Global Times editorial, Western governments have used the Ai Weiwei incident, attacking China’s human rights record, even though they are not clear about even the slightest details in the case, and have no idea which laws Ai Weiwei has violated. [The editorial also] points out that for Western critics to “use heated editorials to attack China is a blind charge against China’s basic political framework, and a trampling of China’s judicial sovereignty.”