According to news reports by China’s Information Times and other media earlier this week, a specialized hospital in the city of Guangzhou is now offering luxury childbirth suites that cost a staggering 180,000 yuan for seven days, or 25,000 yuan (US$3,800) per day. The news of these “sky-high delivery suites” (天价产房) have drawn a lot of attention in recent days, exposing for many deep inequalities in the provision healthcare services in China. In this cartoon, posted by artist Shang Haichun (商海春) to his QQ.com blog, a team of doctors in white frocks bear a mother and her newborn child on a palanquin, symbolizing extravagance.

In a People’s Daily Online piece distributed widely on China’s internet yesterday and today, Lai Hairong (赖海榕), a researcher at China’s Central Compilation and Translation Bureau (中央编译局), again drummed home the point that China is fundamentally stable and not at risk of experiencing political instability like that now seen in the Middle East and North Africa.
Lai paints a portrait of a Party and government keenly aware of the problems China faces, and working overtime to ensure that the demands of the people are met, and that they feel increasingly involved in the political process.
Zeng Chun (曾春), a web user from Changsha, commented on the editorial at QQ.com: “[The writer says,] ‘Looking at the experiences of different countries, the core of political stability lies in a high level of feeling among the people that they are able to share and participate, and the feeling of identity that comes along with this.’ This sentence sounds nice enough, but in China I have never had a feeling that I participate in politics — in fact I have the opposite feeling of being participated.”
QQ.com’s opinion meter, which allows readers to respond the news and editorial content with emoticons, showed that the majority of readers, 210, found Lai’s piece to be “laughable.” A further 15 responded that it made them “angry.” Only 3 readers were either “moved by” or “sympathized with” the editorial.

A partial translation of the editorial follows:

“There is a Solid Foundation for Political and Social Stability in China”
March 16, 2011
People’s Daily Online
Lai Hairong (赖海榕)
Recently, a number of countries in the Middle East and North Africa have slid into turbulence, and various figures have expressed concern about China’s situation. The writer believes that politics and society in China are stable. Thirty years of reform and opening have laid down a firm foundation for political and social stability.
First, where politics are concerned, since economic reform and opening, deeply drawing on the lessons of history, the Chinese Communist Party worked hard to change its method of governance, strengthening its governing capacity, seeking reform to keep pace with the times. In the early 1980s, reforms began to the Party and government’s leadership system (领导体制), and through 30 years of work, [we have] gradually built up and firmed up for Party and government leaders a retirement system, a system of term limits, a stable system of succession, a system of collective leadership, and a competitive democratic recommendation system for new political bureau members. Thorough and fundamental changes have been made to the system of life-long tenure for high-level officials and to the situation of the high level of concentration of power in individual leaders.
At the same time, the Party and government have worked hard over the past 30 years to build a nation of rule of law, so that political life in our country steadily breaks away from the personal fancies of leaders, and is built on a foundation of rules and systems that everyone acknowledges. China does not have such things as personal dictatorship and hereditary rule as have a number of countries that have experienced unrest, nor will we have such situations in the future. And in fact personal dictatorship and hereditary rule are important reasons why the people have been fiercely discontented and opposed [their leaders] in some countries recently.
Looking at the experiences of different countries, the core of political stability lies in a high level of feeling among the people that they are able to share and participate, and the feeling of identity that comes along with this. If the vast masses of people are shut out systematically from political life, if the interests of the people are not looked after, if the voices of the people are not heard by policymakers, then a feeling of alienation between the people and the government results, and politics is at risk of sliding into turbulence. These are the problems that exist in the countries we are right now seeing fall into upheaval.
China’s ruling Party and its leaders are deeply aware of this, and for a long time they have worked to increase the participation of the people in political life so that the calls of the people become the foundation of policymaking, so that the interest demands of the people are the basis of policymaking, increasing the sense of sharing in and identity with state power — through improving and perfecting the people’s congress system (人民代表大会制度), through improving cadre appointment systems and election systems, through the rolling out of transparency of the affairs of the Party and the government, through expanding the media and supervision by public opinion (舆论监督), and through the development of intra-party democracy (党内民主) and social democracy (社会民主). Some of these reforms are still in the early stages. Some are already well developed. While a complete equilibrium has not yet been achieved, the direction is correct, and we have made great achievements, setting a firm political foundation for political and social stability.
[Paragraph discusses economic change over the past 30 years, China’s integration with the global economy, declines in poverty and general increases in quality of life.] While quality of life increases have not been entirely the same for different groups of people, the masses of the people have benefitted, and they are satisfied. The masses have a high level of support for the Party and the government, and the public feeling supporting political and economic stability is strong.
[Paragraph discusses how new economic strength has raised China’s comprehensive national strength, how the government is moving to increase social services such as healthcare, reduce taxes of the agricultural sector, increase investment in poorer areas, et cetera.] In this situation . . . the masses cherish this historical development opportunity, and hope that [China] can continue to develop the economy, lift quality of life, and raise comprehensive national strength under an atmosphere of peace and unity. This is a sharp contrast to the high levels of poverty and unemployment we have seen in these other countries [where political unrest has occurred], and high poverty and unemployment are precisely the reason these national populations have been dissatisfied. In some of these countries those living in poverty account for as much as 40 percent, unemployment is high and rates of unemployment among young people are as high as 52 percent . . . The situation [in China] shows that the development brought by economic reforms and opening to the outside world has established a solid economic basis for political and social stability.
Of course, the situation of general stability in our country does not means that we have no problems at all. Quite the contrary, the heads of the Party and government are clear. We clearly recognize that there are problems, and we will continue to deepen reform and opening in order to address them. We recognize that the people’s hope to participate in political affairs has not been fully satisfied. The stand against corruption is urgent. The gap between rich and poor among the city and countryside, various social classes and region is still quite wide. There is high inflation of prices for goods that are intimately connected with the lives of the people. There are many poor regions and groups that require greater support from the country. Income distribution is unbalanced. Some people face a difficult employment situation. Some officials implement policies with recklessness. The trend of bureaucratism is serious. These are all things the masses are unhappy with, and the people hate these trends bitterly. The Party and government clearly recognize these problems, and they will continue to promote political and economic reforms firmly and stably in order to mediate and eliminate these problems and tensions . . .
. . .
To sum up, the recent situation internationally has shown that China’s economic reform and opening policy is correct. Economic reform and opening and the development it has brought have established a firm institutional foundation and material base for political and social stability. The problems and difficulties that now exist will be overcome and resolved through further deepening of opening and reform. Let us continue to raise high the glorious banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics, unswervingly pushing opening and reform, ramming down the foundation for stability, and creating the conditions for development.

Responding to a question about the problem of inflation in China at a press conference closing the annual “two meetings” of the National People’s Congress and People’s Political Consultative Conference, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (温家宝) said: “Inflation is like a tiger — once you’ve let it out it’s difficult to put back in the cage.” In this cartoon, posted by artist Shang Haichun (商海春) to his blog at QQ.com, a Chinese consumer looks on in terror as a tiger labeled “inflation” bears down on them.
　

The mood was tensely cautious during this year’s “two meetings” of the National People’s Congress and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, which came to a close yesterday in Beijing. Behind the carefully managed front of national confidence loomed real doubts about what path China should take, and how it will address a range of nagging issues — corruption, inflation, deepening social inequality, rising housing prices, joblessness among college graduates. In a perverse way — one Chinese media veteran I spoke to yesterday called it “disgusting” — the earthquake in Japan brought a welcome release for Chinese media over the weekend. For more than a week, the “two meetings” had taken compulsory precedence, but at the same time media could say nothing meaningful without incurring political risk.
Far from signaling the change even most Party insiders seem to agree is now imperative — hence the focus at the “two meetings” on minsheng issues, or concerns over general welfare, and the nods to real grievances — the meetings were shrewd, conservative and at times just plain grouchy, as when Wu Bangguo (吴邦国), chairman of the NPC and one of China’s top Party leaders, welded change with fear, saying the nation would slide into “an abyss of internal strife” if it veered from the “correct political direction” of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Wu stated resolutely that China would not move toward a multi-party system, separation of powers, federalism or privatization.
In his characteristic way, however, Premier Wen Jiabao (温家宝) broke through the funk and fetidness yesterday during his question-and-answer session with reporters. Wen didn’t exactly trumpet political reforms. He didn’t lay out a concrete plan for deep institutional change. And anyone expecting heat rather than warm caution was rewarded with disappointment, which The Economist voiced yesterday, calling Wen’s press conference “barely more illuminating” than President Hu Jintao’s “stage-managed appearances.”
Given the “conservative chill” that The Economist rightly pinpoints, however, we should probably be less dismissive of Wen Jiabao’s words. Sure, they may at times seem scripted, but the more important question may be: Whose script is Wen Jiabao reading from? Where is he taking his cues?
The scripts we’re seeing played out in the upper echelons of China’s leadership are now so different, and this may tell us a great deal more about Chinese politics than would an extra half-hour of forthrightness from China’s premier. The competing story lines are written clearly across the remarks of Wen Jiabao and Wu Bangguo.
Here is Wen Jiabao remarking on China’s path forward during his speech commemorating the 30th anniversary of the establishment of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone last year:

“Without political reform, the gains of economic reform will come to nothing, and the modernization drive cannot be achieved.”

Premier Wen echoed these same sentiments in yesterday’s press conference:

Without political reform, economic reforms will not possibly succeed, and the gains we have made through economic reform are in danger of being lost.

But here is Wu Bangguo on March 10 this year using reminiscent grammar to make a contrary and far more conservative point:

“If we waver [on such basic matters of principle as socialism with Chinese characteristics as fundamental system of our country] , not only will there be no building of socialist modernization to speak of, but the development gains we have already made will be lost, and the nation might even descend into an abyss of internal strife.”

These story lines differ fundamentally on three interrelated issues: political reform; economic development; stability. In his March 10 report, for example, Wu Banguo spoke about maintaining “social stability and the great unity of all ethnic groups” on the foundation of a “socialist system of laws with Chinese characteristics.” That is hardly a comforting notion when many legal experts, including He Weifang (贺卫方) suggest China has back-stepped on judicial independence in recent years under a policy of the “Three Supremes”, which places consideration of the business of the CCP before all else.
By contrast, Wen Jiabao’s notion of stability rests more squarely on social fairness. As he said at yesterday’s press conference: “Social fairness and justice are the essential characteristics of socialism, and they are the foundation of stability.”
While the references to socialism and the leadership of the CCP are present in Wen Jiabao’s remarks, he lays much less stress on orthodoxy, and he affirms that it is ultimately the will of the people that must determine China’s fate. This is where yesterday’s new classic phrase comes in, borrowed from the Song Dynasty poet Yang Wanli (杨万里). “I know only too well,” Wen Jiabao said with plodding emphasis, his eyes scanning the crowd, “that a nation’s fate lies in the hearts of its people” (国之命在人心).
It shouldn’t surprise us that this catchphrase has been seized upon with some alacrity by Chinese media today, and particularly those commercially-oriented media where we tend to see some of the most interesting professional activity happening. Here is the multimedia edition of Southern Metropolis Daily today, playing up the phrase.

Shanghai’s Oriental Morning Post plays the press conference big on page two, with the headline: “Wen Talks About Political Reform Again.”
We can also see the importance placed on this phrase and Wen’s whole response on political reform by some Chinese media in the way they have given it precedence of order. Look, for example, at how QQ.com has arranged the online videos for the Wen Jiabao press conference. The video including the section on political reform is placed first, at the upper left, and only in the second video do we see the beginning of the press conference, with Wen entering.

Skeptics everywhere are in one sense entirely correct in protesting that these are all just words, and that Wen Jiabao has said them before. Sure. Point granted.
We should recognize too, however, that words are a big game in China, with a great deal at stake. What is at stake, exactly? Well, the “nation’s fate,” of course. And in China, where ideological divisions run deep, the first item of business is winning the “hearts of the people.”
——————–
The following is a translation of the portion of Wen Jiabao’s press conference yesterday dealing with political reform. We have also included a full Chinese transcript of the press conference at the bottom.

Political reforms and economic reforms should be advance in a coordinated way, because nothing in this world is immutable, and it is only through continuous reform that our Party and our country can enjoy continuous vigor and vitality. [11:39]
Secondly, political reform offers the guarantee for our economic reform. Without political reform, economic reforms will not possibly succeed, and the gains we have made through economic reform are in danger of being lost. [11:40]
Third, I believe that right now corruption poses the greatest danger to our country. And eliminating the breeding ground of corruption requires reforming our system and institutions. I know only too well that a nation’s fate lies in the hearts of its people. In order to address the people’s grievances and meet their wishes, we must establish the conditions under which they can criticize and supervise the
government. [11:41]
Social fairness and justice are the essential characteristics of socialism, and they are the foundation of stability. We must not only achieve fair distribution of income and gradually lessen the growing wealth gap. We must also resolve unfairness in the distribution of such resources as education and healthcare, allowing the people to enjoy the fruits of opening and reform. [11:42]

温家宝总理答中外记者问
[人民网]:离记者会开始还有30分钟,人民网人员已经到达人民大会堂三楼金色大厅，各项直播准备工作展开。 [09:26]
[人民网]:来自海内外的媒体记者正耐心等待着记者会的开始。 [09:56]
[人民网]:工作人员宣读会场纪律，记者会翻译人员已经就坐。 [09:56]
[李肇星]:女士们、先生们，上午好。我们高兴地邀请到温家宝总理与中外记者见面，并回答大家的提问。现在请总理讲话。 [10:00]
[温家宝]:各位记者朋友，大家好。刚刚结束的全国人民代表大会通过了政府工作报告和“十二五”规划纲要。摆在我们面前的任务十分艰巨，国内外形势也非常复杂，做好各项工作，完成预期目标，需要付出极大努力。 [10:02]
[温家宝]:我们要有忧患意识，始终保持清醒的头脑。同时，又要树立信心，信心就像太阳一样，充满光明和希望。 [10:03]
[温家宝]:我的任期还有两年，我深知这两年的工作不比任何一年要轻松。政如农工，日夜思之，思其始而成其终。谢谢。 [10:05]
[温家宝]:现在可以提问了。 [10:05]
[人民日报、人民网记者]:“十二五”规划确定未来五年我国经济增长的预期目标，就是年均增长7%。我们注意到，这个数字和“十一五”规划相比降低了0.5个百分点。请问总理，我们主动调低经济增长速度这样一个选择是出于什么考虑？如果未来经济增长速度有所放缓会不会影响扩大就业以及改善民生等方面？谢谢。 [10:07]
[温家宝]:主动调低经济发展的速度，不仅表明决心和意志，而且是一个重大的举措。就是说，在今后五年以至中国经济发展的相当长时期，我们要把转变经济增长方式作为主线。 [10:08]
[温家宝]:真正使中国的经济转到主要依靠科技进步和提高劳动者素质上来，着重提高经济的增长质量和效益。 [10:08]
[温家宝]:经济发展速度、就业与通货膨胀三者之间有密切联系。经济发展速度高，就业人数就会多，但通胀的压力也会大。 [10:09]
[温家宝]:经济发展速度低，就业人数少，但很容易使经济走向衰退。　 [10:09]
[温家宝]:我们必须在这两条道路当中走出一条光明的路，把它们有机地连接起来。 [10:09]
[温家宝]:我们要充分利用这样一个机会，调整经济结构，解决中国经济长期以来存在的不平衡、不协调和不可持续的问题，使经济的发展与人口、环境和资源相适应。 [10:10]
[温家宝]:7%的发展速度也不算低了。大家注意到，我们的经济总量在不断增加，7%的速度使经济增长也不断增加，也就是说基数大了，真正实现有质量和效益的7%的增长速度，并非是一件容易的事情。 [10:11]
[温家宝]:谈到就业，我觉得我们应该重视结构调整，在结构调整中特别应该重视发展中小企业，主要是科技型的小企业。 [10:12]
[温家宝]:重视发展服务业，包括生产服务业，这些都可以容纳更多的就业。我们一定想办法，在比过去低的速度下还能解决中国日益增长的就业压力问题，这对政府是一个极大的考验。我们完全有决心能够办好这件事情。 [10:12]
[温家宝]:谢谢你。 [10:14]
[法国《观点周刊》记者]:温总理你好。我们看到，今年年初以来，在北非的一些国家经历了很大的变化。世界也在关注着快速发展的中国，有人认为中国在政治、经济、文化等领域已经创建了属于自己的发展模式。我想问的问题是，中国的发展模式如何很好地适应变化中的大环境？其他国家能否从中国的发展模式中借鉴并得到启示？ [10:16]
[温家宝]:我们十分关注西亚、北非发生的政治动荡，但是我们认为，任何把中国同西亚、北非发生政治动荡的国家相类比都是不正确的。 [10:17]
[温家宝]:改革开放30年来，中国经济社会取得了飞速的发展，人民生活明显改善，这是举世公认的。 [10:18]
[温家宝]:我们的政府在认真解决当前经济社会存在的问题，这也是老百姓有目共睹的事。 [10:19]
[温家宝]:中国经济这些年确实发生了很大的变化，我们的经济总量跃居到世界第二位，但是我们一直清醒地认识到中国人口多、底子薄、发展不平衡，依然是一个发展中国家。 [10:19]
[温家宝]:我们选择了一条适合中国国情的发展道路。 [10:20]
[温家宝]:这条道路的主要特点是：第一，必须坚持以经济建设为中心，大力促进经济发展和社会进步；第二，必须坚持以人为本，全面协调和可持续发展；第三，必须坚持社会公平正义以保持社会的和谐和稳定；第四，必须保障人民的民主权利，促进人的全面发展，以进一步调动人民的积极性和创造性。 [10:21]
[温家宝]:我们的改革和建设还在探索当中，我们从来不认为自己的发展是一种模式。 [10:22]
[温家宝]:同样，我们认为任何国家都要走适合自己国情的发展道路，我们尊重各国人民的选择。 [10:23]
[温家宝]:我们认为，不同的国家、不同的发展道路都可以相互尊重、相互学习和借鉴。谢谢你。 [10:23]
[香港有线电视记者]:您在“十二五”规划报告当中特别提到港澳，包括继续支持香港作为国际金融中心的角色，还有就是确立粤港多项大型机械建设项目的合作，中央在作出这些规划的过程当中都有哪些考虑？另外，现在有人说香港已经逐渐在消失它的传统优势，已经没有独立的能力应对区域竞争，所以迫使中央这次要出手，您怎么看待这个说法？我们很想知道，这些措施长远是否能够有效的解决现在香港存在的一些，比如贫富悬殊这样一些深层次矛盾等问题。谢谢。 [10:25]
[温家宝]:听到香港记者的提问，我想起在2003年我访问了香港，也就是在那一年那次访问，我见证了内地与香港签署了CEPA协定。我可以先跟你说，我很想再去一次香港，看望香港人民，向香港人民表示问候。 [10:27]
[温家宝]:这次“十二五”规划纲要把港澳单独列为一章，表明了中央政府对香港和澳门保持长期稳定的坚定支持。 [10:28]
[温家宝]:这样做不仅是两个特别行政区政府和各界人士的要求，也是对港澳的长期发展有利的。 [10:29]
[温家宝]:方才你说香港的传统优势不存在了，我不这样看。香港背靠祖国，面向国际，有着开放的自由经济，有着同国际经济接轨的完备法律法规，有着全面的各类管理人才。 [10:29]
[温家宝]:香港经历了两次金融危机，都经受住了考验。香港作为国际金融中心的优势地位没有改变。 [10:29]
[温家宝]:在规划当中，我们特别强调要使香港成为成为人民币离岸的结算中心和国际资产中心。事实上，这些年我们在金融上的改革都首先在香港先行先试。比如人民币在香港的存款已经超过3000亿。 [10:32]
[温家宝]:我们首先实现了货物贸易在香港以人民币结算的试点。内地特别是珠江三角洲与香港合作得到加强，与此同时，香港连接内地的各项基础设施建设很快地向前推进，使物流、人流更加畅通和便捷。这些都有利于巩固和发展香港的金融中心地位。 [10:33]
[温家宝]:香港目前不仅有应对区域竞争和风险的能力，也有应对世界竞争和风险的能力。但是，香港也面临着相当复杂的外部局势。因此，也要有忧患意识，利用好机遇迎接各种挑战。 [10:35]
[温家宝]:我曾经讲过，香港要注意三件事情：第一，要有一个长远的、科学的发展规划；第二，要重视和解决经济社会发展中的深层次矛盾；第三，要努力改善民生。 [10:36]
[温家宝]:我以为，在香港还要重视教育、科技，以增强香港发展的后劲。还要从自身实际出发，重视发展服务业，包括金融服务和旅游服务。发展小型的科技创新企业，以增加就业。 [10:37]
[温家宝]:香港有着比较充裕的财政收入和雄厚的外汇储备，要进一步加强社会保障体系的建设，特别要照顾好弱势群体，致力于改善民生。谢谢你。 [10:38]
[温家宝]:对不起，我想利用这个时间还想回答一个你没有提的问题。也就是说在“十二五”规划制定过程中，在香港有一种舆论，说香港“被规划”了。 [10:41]
[温家宝]:我想在这里再次强调，我们将坚持“一国两制”的方针，认真执行“港人治港”、高度自治，严格遵守基本法。 [10:41]
[温家宝]:中央制定的“十二五”规划都是支持香港的发展，中央的规划绝不会代替香港的自身规划。 [10:41]
[美国《华尔街日报》记者]:总理你好。请问通货膨胀现在成为中国社会越来越突出的一个问题，高物价、高房价已经直接影响到老百姓日常的生活。那么您如何评价政府已经采取的措施呢？下一步有什么新的措施出台？在应对通货膨胀，您会不会考虑让人民币较快速度的升值？谢谢。 [10:43]
[温家宝]:通货膨胀就像一只老虎，如果放出来就很难再关进去。 [10:44]
[温家宝]:我们目前出现的通货膨胀其实是国际性的，如果你看看整个国际的形势，由于某些国家实行量化宽松的货币政策，而造成汇率和大宗物资价格的大幅度波动。 [10:45]
[温家宝]:这不仅影响一个地方，就连欧洲也突破了2%。前几个月，世界粮价上涨15%，如果再加上西亚北非局势的影响，油价高企超过每桶100美元。 [10:46]
[温家宝]:输入型的通货膨胀对中国有很大的影响，这也是我们难以控制的。 [10:47]
[温家宝]:另一方面，确实在我们国内也有因为劳动力成本提高，各种初级产品价格上涨而造成的结构性通货膨胀。 [10:47]
[温家宝]:我们必须重视解决这些问题。我常讲通货膨胀包括物价、房价都涉及人民群众的生活，关系到他们的切身利益。 [10:48]
[温家宝]:因此，我们今年在政府宏观调控的各项工作中，把抑制通货膨胀摆在了第一位。 [10:48]
[温家宝]:关于管好通胀预期，抑制通货膨胀所采取的措施，在我的《政府工作报告》里已经详细地讲了。 [10:49]
[温家宝]:我不想再过多地重复。我只是讲，对于管好通胀预期我们还是有信心的。 [10:51]
[温家宝]:去年11月份，我们物价高企达到5.1%。12月份，经过努力，我指的是消费物价水平降到4.6%。 [10:51]
[温家宝]:今年上半年是我们比较困难的时期，大概记者先生也懂得因为翘尾因素影响大。 [10:51]
[温家宝]:1月份，我们的CPI达到4.9%；2月份，还保持在4.9%。但你知道，2月份翘尾因素的影响高达3.7%。 [10:52]
[温家宝]:对于物价，我们不敢掉以轻心。 [10:53]
[温家宝]:我们是从三个方面来努力管好通胀预期的。 [10:53]
[温家宝]:首先，要发展生产，特别是农业生产保障供给； [10:53]
[温家宝]:第二，加强流通，特别是要加强农产品流通这个薄弱环节；　 [10:53]
[温家宝]:第三，主要用经济和法律的手段管好市场。 [10:53]
[温家宝]:我们将持之以恒地把这项工作做到底。 [10:53]
[温家宝]:至于房价，我们也是三管齐下。 [10:54]
[温家宝]:第一，还是要控制货币的流动性。我想补充一点，对于物价这一点也是重要的，也就是说消除房价物价上涨的货币基础。　 [10:54]
[温家宝]:第二，运用财政、税收和金融的手段来调节市场的需求； [10:54]
[温家宝]:第三，加强地方政府的责任，无论是物价和房价，地方都要切实负起责任来。 [10:54]
[温家宝]:也就是说“米袋子”省长负责制，“菜篮子”市长负责制，房价也由地方来负主要责任。 [10:55]
[温家宝]:你关心人民币升值问题，我可以告诉你，我们将继续坚持人民币汇率形成机制的改革不动摇。如果从1994年算起，我们大的人民币汇率改革已经进行了3次。 [10:59]
[温家宝]:现在同1994年相比，人民币的有效汇率升值57.9%。我们这次改革主要是改变单一的盯住美元，而实行根据市场需求，参照一揽子货币，实行有管理的浮动汇率制度。我们将根据市场需求的变化来进一步加大人民币浮动的弹性。但同时我们也必须考虑这种升值还是渐进的，因为它关系到企业的承受能力和就业，我们要保持整个社会的稳定。 [10:59]
[中央人民广播电台、中国广播网记者]:总理，您好。刚才那位外国同行也提到中国的房价，您也阐述了我们调控房价的三方面政策措施。其实从去年开始，国务院就出台了不少关于调控房地产的政策措施，被称为历史上“最严厉的房地产调控”。今年您在政府工作报告当中也重申，要坚定不移地搞好房地产调控。现在社会上有担心，就是这些政策措施能不能落实到位？会不会半途而废？请问总理，您怎么看待这个问题？谢谢。 [11:02]
[温家宝]:关于房价的调控，我觉得当前最重要的是各项政策措施的落实。对于中央来讲，就是要加强对地方落实房价调控政策的检查力度，真正实行问责制。 [11:04]
[温家宝]:同时，密切跟踪和分析房地产市场发展的形势，进一步研究有针对性的宏观调控措施。　 [11:04]
[温家宝]:对地方来讲，就是要认真落实房地产调控的责任。比如，首先要公布政府调控房地产的政策和房价控制目标。 [11:04]
[温家宝]:在这里，我想特别提出，我们三管齐下，其实还有一项非常重要的措施，那就是加快保障性住房建设。也就是说从供求上解决房地产市场存在的问题。 [11:05]
[温家宝]:对于保障性住房建设，人民群众当中有许多担心，他们总的是赞成的，但也有许多忧虑。我们提出，今年再建保障性住房1000万套，明年再建1000万套，也就是在今后五年能够建设3600万套。 [11:06]
[温家宝]:保障性住房除了棚户区改造以外，主要用于公租房和廉租房，这个方向必须明确。 [11:06]
[温家宝]:这里就有一个资金落实的问题，中央今年将向地方补助1030亿元，地方财政也相应加大投入，但还必须更广泛地利用社会资金。 [11:07]
[温家宝]:对于保障性住房，土地必须单列，做到应保尽保。 [11:07]
[温家宝]:有一件事情非常重要，现在就应该提到日程上来，那就是保障性住房的设计、建设必须有高标准、高要求，也就是说要确保质量、安全和环保。特别是在环保上，从设计到建设整个过程，都要实行节能。这是中国房地产建设的一大机会，如果丢掉了，十分可惜。 [11:08]
[温家宝]:我在这里想强调一点，就是对于保障性住房建设以后，管理和退出机制现在就要着手制定规则，这样我们就实行了一个完整的从建设到管理，到退出这样一个完整机制。使保障性住房质量和效益得到保证，使将来它的管理也得到保证。 [11:10]
[温家宝]:谢谢。 [11:13]
[韩国文化广播公司记者]:总理阁下您好。我们非常关心“十二五”规划中关于推动文化大发展、大繁荣的内容。中国是人类文明的发祥地之一，具有悠久的历史和文化传统。请问中国将如何发挥这种优势来提升国家的软实力？在文化领域有什么具体政策和发展方向？谢谢。 [11:14]
[温家宝]:一个国家的实力不仅表现在经济上，而且表现在国民素质、文化发展和道德情操上。我们国家有着5000年的文化传统，在世界上历经劫波，而现在还保存完整传承下来，中国是一个典范。 [11:17]
[温家宝]:文化传统是一个国家的灵魂，文化传统更具有感召力和凝聚力，我们一定要充分发扬祖国的文化传统。同时我们也懂得，要学习和借鉴世界先进的文明。只有这样，才能使祖国的文化得到进一步发展，也就是我常说的，只有开放包容，才能使祖国强大。 [11:19]
[温家宝]:在“十二五”和今后相当长的时间内，我们也都要把文化的改革和发展放在重要的位置。加强文化建设，改革文化体制，建设一支高素质的文化队伍，积极开展群众性的文化活动，使中国文化有一个大发展和大繁荣。我们还要善于把文化传统与时代精神结合起来，把发扬我们国家的文化传统与吸收借鉴外国的先进文明结合起来，使祖国的文化再展辉煌。谢谢你。 [11:20]
[台湾无线卫星电视台记者]:“十二五”规划已经正式通过，而两岸经济合作会议日前在台湾举行了首次会议。请问温总理，“十二五”规划和两岸签署的ECFA怎么促进两岸的经贸合作？另外，有部分台湾民众担心在大陆的经济转型之后可能对于在大陆的台资企业造成很严重的冲击，出现经济困难，请问总理如何看待这个问题？谢谢。 [11:23]
[温家宝]:请台湾记者向台湾同胞问好。 [11:23]
[温家宝]:大陆与台湾的ECFA协议今年1月1号生效，首先是早期收获。在今年2月份，两岸有关方面进行了一次评估，总的认为开局良好，进展顺利，效果初显。 [11:24]
[温家宝]:今年1月份，两岸贸易额增长了30%。你可能知道，去年大陆与台湾的贸易额超过1400亿美元，台湾的顺差达到860亿美元。 [11:25]
[温家宝]:你方才担心大陆经济转型会使台湾企业边缘化，我想对你讲，大陆已经成为台商投资的一个重要目的地。现在台资企业在大陆的已经有8万多家，直接投资超过500亿美元。如果算上异地投资，就是经过维纳尔京群岛这些岛屿，整个投资超过900亿美元。台商投资已经占到大陆吸引外资的9%。 [11:27]
[温家宝]:我想要消除这样一个顾虑，就是我们在推进科学发展，转变发展方式，只能为台资企业创造良好的投资环境和更有利的商机。我们将对台资企业继续实行国民待遇。台资企业在内地的发展不仅不会被边缘化，而且我预计会有更大的发展趋势。谢谢你。 [11:29]
[温家宝]:我还想说一句，在ECFA实行的过程中，我们会遇到一些问题，而且我们还将本着循序渐进的方式进一步推进ECFA的后续谈判。在整个谈判过程中，你都可以感觉到大陆的诚意和对台湾商界和人民利益的关心。我们是同胞，骨肉之亲，析而不殊。 [11:32]
[美国有线电视新闻网记者]:温总理，您担任总理的职务已有8年，可能将于2013年卸任，您希望为后人留下什么“遗产”？您在多个场合谈到提倡政治改革，考虑到中国现在面临的挑战和问题，您认为应实行什么样的改革，以使中国政府更加有效地解决人民的关切、问题和不满？比如说您支持某些领导职位进行直选和差额选举吗？ [11:35]
[温家宝]:你的第一个问题问得早了一些。我的任期还有两年，我面临的工作还十分繁重。我应该像一个战士一样，在自己的岗位上坚持到最后一天，做到忧国不谋身，恪尽职守。 [11:38]
[温家宝]:我认为改革是历史永恒的主题。政治体制改革与经济体制改革应该协调推进，这是因为世界上一切事物不会是亘古不变的，如将不尽，与古为新。只有不断地改革，党和国家才会充满生机和活力。 [11:39]
[温家宝]:第二，政治体制改革是经济体制改革的保障。没有政治体制改革，经济体制改革不可能成功，已经取得的成果也有失去的危险。 [11:40]
[温家宝]:第三，当前，我以为最大的危险在于腐败。而消除腐败的土壤还在于改革制度和体制。我深知国之命在人心，解决人民的怨气，实现人民的愿望就必须创造条件，让人民批评和监督政府。 [11:41]
[温家宝]:第四，公平正义是社会主义的本质特征，也是社会稳定的基础。我们不仅要实现收入分配的公平，逐步减少分配收入差距扩大的现象。而且要解决教育、医疗等资源分配的不公，让人民共享改革开放的成果。 [11:42]
[温家宝]:而做到所有这一些，都必须推进经济体制改革和政治体制改革。 [11:43]
[温家宝]:第五，要给每个人以受教育的机会，充分发挥人的独立思维和创造精神。因为只有人民有积极性，我们的改革和建设才有坚实的基础，从这个意义上说，这也是民主的真正含义。 [11:45]
[温家宝]:我们已经在县和不设区的市实行人民代表的直接选举，在村一级实行村民自治制度，在市以上以至中央，我们还实行的是间接选举。我们在中央委员会的选举当中实行了差额选举。 [11:47]
[温家宝]:我一直认为，这是一个循序渐进的过程。但是要相信，群众能管好一个村，也能管好一个乡，也能管好一个县，这需要一个过程。 [11:47]
[温家宝]:在一个拥有13亿人口的大国推进政治体制改革并非是一件容易的事情，需要有稳定的、和谐的社会环境，在党的领导下有序地进行。谢谢。 [11:47]
[中央电视台、中国网络电视台记者]:总理您好。我们特别关注民营企业的发展问题。因为在这些年当中我们看到国务院先后出台了两个36条去引导和鼓励民营资本不断获得健康发展。对此有很多民营企业是充满期待的。但是我们也听到有一些民营企业认为，政府对非公经济的支持是雷声大、雨点小，实际过程当中有很多民间投资还会面临有形或者无形的障碍，似乎“玻璃门”的现象并没有得到有效解决，而且在国际上针对“国进民退”的说法也有不少争议。请问总理，您如何来看待这样一个问题？ [11:50]
[温家宝]:我们的方针是要实现、巩固和发展公有制经济，同时支持、鼓励和引导非公经济的发展，两个毫不动摇。 [11:51]
[温家宝]:我们在2005年出台了支持、鼓励和引导非公经济的36条。去年我们又出台了鼓励和引导民营资本投资的36条。应该说，这两个36条雷声不小。 [11:51]
[温家宝]:为什么说它雷声不小呢？就是我们明确地提出，无论在法律层面，还是在政策层面，无论是在财税金融政策，还是在准入政策上，我们对不同所有制的企业都一视同仁，鼓励相互竞争，共同发展。 [11:54]
[温家宝]:为什么许多非公企业还感到雨点小？甚至提出存在所谓“玻璃门”和“弹簧门”的现象，我以为最重要的就是落实不够。大家如果注意这两个文件，后一个36条其实是对第一个36条的补充，它在政策和准入的细节上都作了许多明确的规定。我们正在着手制定新36条的贯彻细则。我相信，这两个文件将会进一步推进非公经济的发展。 [11:56]
[温家宝]:目前不存在所谓“国进民退”的问题，同样也不存在“民进国退”的问题。应该说，30多年的改革开放，国有经济和个体私营经济都有了很大的发展。对于国有经济的发展，今天我不想着重去谈。 [11:58]
[温家宝]:单就你提到的所谓民营经济的发展。在全国的固定资产投资当中，民间投资已经超过50%。在工业企业当中，无论从数量、产值、资产总量还是就业人数，都超过了国有企业，这是一个事实。 [11:59]
[温家宝]:国有经济虽然比重降低，但它依然掌握着国家经济命脉。国有企业在不断深化改革，特别是通过股份制建立现代企业制度，也吸收了大量的社会资本和民间资本，这样也有利于国有经济的发展。 [12:00]
[温家宝]:我们一定要坚持两个毫不动摇，促进国有经济与民营经济共同发展。谢谢。 [12:01]
[俄通-塔斯社记者]:总理您好。我在中国工作已经18年了，我非常喜欢中国，也习惯了在中国的生活。但是最近发现物价变贵了，请问通货膨胀的原因是什么？很多俄罗斯的媒体都称赞中国政府采取的应对国际金融危机措施。他们说这些措施让中国与其他国家相比受到的金融危机影响较小，您是否同意这个看法？谢谢。 [12:05]
[温家宝]:你的问题重点在第二问，因此我先回答你的第二问。在国际金融危机当中，中国受到了巨大的冲击。 [12:06]
[温家宝]:国际金融危机对实体经济影响很大，如果我们回想2008年底到2009年上半年，当时国际贸易下降26%，而中国的出口要占到GDP的近1/3，波罗的海指数一度跌到零。 [12:10]
[温家宝]:我到深圳集装箱厂去考察，连一个集装箱的订单都没有。我们最低的GDP跌幅达到3.8%，不少企业停业，大批农民工返乡。　 [12:10]
[温家宝]:在这种情况下，我们实施了包括四个方面内容的一揽子计划。这就是：大规模的财政投入和结构性的减税，使企业恢复活力；大范围地提高社会保障的水平，使民生继续稳定和改善；大力度地推进科技支撑，使经济充满后劲；同时大强度地推进企业的结构调整，特别是发展新兴战略产业。 [12:10]
[温家宝]:所有这些都不是单一的解决眼前的问题，而是着眼于长远的发展方向。 [12:11]
[温家宝]:我们实施4万亿的投资，关于投资比例我在《政府工作报告》中已经详细阐述了。你问的问题的要害就是所谓国际金融危机对中国冲击小。我跟你讲，事非经过不知难。我们经过这样的努力，使中国在世界上率先回升向好，从而避免经济建设遭受重大的挫折。这一点是举世公认的。 [12:11]
[温家宝]:至于通货膨胀，我方才已经多次讲过，这次通货膨胀是国际范围内的，在新兴国家，CPI都达到8%以至10%。原因我也已经分析了，我们注意在抑制通货膨胀中，要管好货币。也就是说要减少货币的流动性，从根本上消除通货膨胀的基础。谢谢你。 [12:13]
[李肇星]:时间已经超过中午12点，为了让更多的记者朋友有机会提问，经请示总理，我们记者招待的时间再延长十来分钟。 [12:15]
[新加坡《联合早报》记者]:我们想请问关于“十二五”规划的问题。我们留意到中国的知识界对于“十二五”规划给予了很高的评价，认为它为中国的未来指明了更好的方向。但是中国有一句话叫知易行难。转变经济增长方式这个概念早从上个世纪90年代中期就一直提到今天，请问温总理，您认为“十二五”规划要得到真正地实施，真正地贯彻落实，最难的地方在哪里？　 [12:17]
[温家宝]:你提到转变发展方式知易行难，最难难在什么地方？我以为难在两个方面：一是观念；一是创新机制和干部考核的标准。 [12:19]
[温家宝]:所谓创新机制，其实决定一个国家发展的主要在教育和科技。 [12:19]
[温家宝]:我一直强调，中国的振兴不单在经济总量，而根本在人才和科技进步，并且要建立和完善鼓励科技进步、人才成长的机制。 [12:19]
[温家宝]:通过改革促进产学研的结合，我以为有两个数字比GDP更为重要，一是教育经费占国民经济的比重；一是研发经费占生产的比重。这两条就决定了我们这个民族和国家的创新力量，这才是最有力、最持久、最可靠的发展因素。 [12:20]
[温家宝]:所谓观念，就是要彻底转变唯GDP的观念。推动经济社会发展，改善人民生活，需要不断地增加经济总量，但是这种总量的增加是不能以过度地消耗资源、能源和污染环境为代价。那样不仅不可持续，而且会给我们子孙后代造成影响。 [12:22]
[温家宝]:与它相关的就是干部政绩的考核。我以为对干部政绩的考核，最重要的不仅要看一个地区的经济总量，而且要看经济与社会发展的协调，社会事业的发展和社会的进步，公平正义和人民生活的改善。如果不彻底从根本上解决这两条，我们现在制定的计划也是难以实现的。 [12:23]
[新华社和中国新华新闻电视网记者]:总理您好。去年农民收入的增长是27年来首次超过了城镇居民。请问总理，这是否意味着在扭转城乡差距扩大的进程中出现了一个拐点？“十二五”时期能否保持住这种变化的趋势？谢谢。 [12:27]
[温家宝]:应该说这些年来，农民的收入有大幅度的增长，到去年达到5119块，增长幅度超过10%，也超过了城镇居民收入的增长幅度，这是一个可喜的现象。 [12:28]
[温家宝]:农民收入的增长大致是三个来源。第一是农产品，或者说是叫农业收入。 [12:29]
[温家宝]:我们在2006年全部免除了农业税，当年中央财政的补贴就达到1326亿元。与此同时，我们开始对农民实行生产补贴，每年的补贴额超过1200亿元。 [12:30]
[温家宝]:此外，我们在农村实行了免费的9年义务制教育，并且对贫困地区和贫困家庭的孩子，免除了书本费和住宿费。在中等职业学校，我们还特别规定，来自农村的孩子和学农专业的孩子全部免费。这些都是农民收入增长的一个重要因素。　 [12:31]
[温家宝]:但是更为主要的，就是我们消除了农民进城的歧视。现在农民进城务工的多达2.42亿人，农民的工资性收入占到50%。 [12:31]
[温家宝]:第三是部分农民还有财产性收入。农民收入应该说有了很大的提高，但是我们不能盲目乐观，农业基础还不够巩固，农民收入增长也还不够稳定。农民收入的增长是我们实现社会公平，特别是收入分配公平的一个极为重要的方面。 [12:32]
[温家宝]:为此，我们还要做出极大的努力。比如，我们前几年农产品的价格提高了20%-40%，今年在这个基础上，我们实行的最低收购价继续大幅提升。 [12:34]
[温家宝]:我们正在贯彻关于积极稳妥地实行户籍制度改革，让符合条件的农民工进城落户。同时，着力解决农民工生活和工作存在的问题，包括培训、子女上学和社会保障。所有这些我觉得都会进一步提高农民的收入。 [12:34]
[温家宝]:最后，在座的有日本记者吗？我想说几句话，我不是让你提问。 [12:37]
[温家宝]:三天以前，日本遭受了历史上罕见的特大地震灾害，给日本人民的生命财产造成了巨大的损失。我想借此机会，向在这次灾难中遇难的日本人民表示深切的哀悼，向全体日本人民表示诚挚的慰问。 [12:39]
[温家宝]:中国也是一个多地震的国家，我们感同身受。在汶川发生特大地震的时候，日本政府派了救援队，并且给中国以物资上的支援。我们的救援队昨天已经到达日本，我们运送的救灾物资也到达了日本。我们将根据日本的需要，愿意继续提供必要的帮助。请你代为转达。 [12:40]
[李肇星]:感谢温总理，也感谢各位记者朋友，总理记者见面会到此结束。再见。 [12:41]
[人民网前方报道组]:温家宝总理记者招待会直播到此结束，谢谢关注！ [12:42]

In one of the latest official editorials to attack the idea that Jasmine-style protests can take root in China, the overseas edition of the CCP’s People’s Daily newspaper wrote yesterday that those “hoping to whip up ‘street politics’ in China” would fail.
The piece uses the familiar hardline phrase “those with ulterior motives” to point ambiguously at the forces — both inside and outside China, the editorial says — that are conspiring against China and its Communist Party leaders.

There is also the familiar theme that dissent can lead only to chaos, and chaos would spell disaster for all the gains of economic development.
“But ‘street politics’ will only result in a shock to society, making things worse,” the editorial says. “It will only result in making a China that is right now steadily developing stop in its tracks, or even move backwards.”

“China is not the Middle East”
The upheaval in Libya has claimed at least 1,000 lives, according to United Nations estimates. Valerie Amos, United Nations Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, said on March 7 that one million Libyans are in need of humanitarian assistance. We see on the television news that countless Libyan refugees have fled the country, beginning desperate lives of wandering, and not knowing when they can return. This causes us to sigh deeply: in the midst of national chaos, it is ultimately the ordinary people who suffer hardship.
Since the end of last year, there have been dramatic fluctuations in many countries in the Middle East and North Africa, and the people have faced major disaster. And just as the world is seeking solutions for the Middle East, a number of people with ulterior motives both inside and outside China are conspiring to turn the disaster toward China. They have used the Internet to fan the flames, hoping to whip up “street politics” in China and thereby upset order in China.
However, China is not the Middle East.
The hearts and minds of the Chinese people are steady. The people have enough to eat and enjoy moderate prosperity, and they are making small steps toward lives of prosperity. The Chinese people know only too well that the precondition of living a good life is national stability and social harmony. Through 60 years of the New China, and 30 years of opening and reform, the nation has progressively thrived and prospered, and its comprehensive strength has appreciably risen. The people have made real gains. In their hearts now, people are wary of unrest, of rocking the boat. They desire calm and stability, harmony and peace. They throw all of their energies into development and living better lives. The vast majority of people are steady in their hearts and minds. Only a small minority want chaos, and they will not have it.
The rule of the Chinese Communist Party is fundamentally secure. In recent years, China has hosted the Olympic Games, the World Expo, the Asian Games, and what joy haven’t the Chinese people felt at hosting these events successfully? What heroic emotions the Chinese people feel in knowing that we grappled so successfully with the Wenchuan Earthquake, the Yushu [quake] relief effort, successive financial crises, and most recently the evacuation [of Chinese] from Libya. The whole world have marveled at how a poor and weak nation has become the world’s second-largest economy. All of this came from the leaders of what party? The Chinese Communist Party. Last year, a survey conducted in 22 countries showed that the vast majority of people are unsatisfied with the direction their countries are heading, but China was the exception. The survey said: “Only in China did the majority (87%) of residents express satisfaction with the situation in their countries.” . . .
China long ago abolished the system of life-long tenure in leading posts, and the orderly replacement of leaders is already our practice. China no longer has this situation where leaders rule for 20, 30 or 40 years. China has already build a socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics and it is right now working to perfect its system of socialist democracy. The Chinese people can participate in and discuss state affairs already within our existing legal system and democratic system — there is no need to achieve our political goals through “street politics.”
Chinese leaders all along have heeded public opinion, using the methods of reform and development to resolve the issues emerging in the midst of reform and development. For example, Chinese college students were few and far between in the past, but now one in four Chinese between the ages of 18 and 22 are college students. As college graduates have risen, the problem of employment opportunities has emerged. There are high housing prices, inflation, the gap between rich and poor and other problems. In the government work report under discussion at the two meetings [of the National People’s Congress and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Congress] there are a whole range of solutions.
The problems emerging in the midst of development are solved by the methods of development; the problems emerging in the midst of reform are resolved by the methods of reform. Development and reform alone are the correct way to solve problems. Of course, as old problems are solves, new problems emerge that need to be tackled. It is in the solving of problems that a society moves ahead. But “street politics” will only result in a shock to society, making things worse. It will only result in making a China that is right now steadily developing stop in its tracks, or even move backwards.
China is not the Middle East, and the schemes to direct the chaos of the Middle East toward China are destined to fail.

FRONTPAGE PHOTO: Protests in Egypt in January 2011, photo available from darkroom products at Flickr.com under Creative Commons license.

On March 7, Wang Ping (王平), a female delegate to the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Congress (CPPCC) and director of the China Ethnic Museum, said during the CPPCC session in Beijing: “We don’t want to encourage rural kids to go to college, because if rural kids go to college they won’t be able to return home. And not returning to one’s own home is a tragedy.” In her view, rural families raising college students leads to poverty, as these students are unable to find suitable work or buy homes after graduation, but are unwilling to return home. Wang Ping’s remarks quickly drew anger from Chinese web users, who asked whether she expected the children of rural families to simply stay in the fields. Web users also attacked Wang’s credentials, questioning her suitability as a CPPCC delegate. In this cartoon, posted by artist Cao Yi (曹一) to his QQ blog, young people rush into a train car for college students under a sign labeled “Next Stop: Prosperity” as CPPCC delegate Wang Ping fruitlessly attempts to wave them into a car labeled “Other Opportunities.” The bubble over Wang’s head reads: “I don’t encourage rural kids to go to college.”

A recent report in Guangzhou’s official Guangzhou Daily quoted China’s Development and Reform Commission (DRC) as saying that prices for 162 medicines would be reduced by around 20 percent beginning on March 28 this year, in response to concerns over the cost of healthcare in China. The report said this was the 27th time price reductions for medicines had been announced by the DRC in the last few years. But city residents in Guangzhou told the newspaper that medicines remained expensive even after officially-imposed reductions. Industry insiders said one reason for this was that hospitals tended not to stock medicines after their prices were reduced, favoring more expensive and profitable medications. In this cartoon, posted by the Kunming-based studio Yuan Jiao Man’s Space (圆觉漫时空) to QQ.com, citizens look on with exasperation as invisible medicines on the left side of a scale of fairness tip downwards, becoming cheaper, while available medicines on the right side of the scale shoot up in price.