Author: David Bandurski

Now Executive Director of the China Media Project, leading the project’s research and partnerships, David originally joined the project in Hong Kong in 2004. He is the author of Dragons in Diamond Village (Penguin), a book of reportage about urbanization and social activism in China, and co-editor of Investigative Journalism in China (HKU Press).

Survival is Victory

On August 31, US President Barack Obama announced a formal end to the US combat mission in Iraq and said the Iraqis themselves would now take principal responsibility for security. But the situation in Iraq remained precarious, to say the least, and as US combat troops pulled out there were serious lingering doubts the nations security. This cartoon, posted by artist Fan Jianping (范建平) to his QQ blog, shows a US solider jumping joyfully out of the death-pit of Iraq and shouting, “Going home alive is a victory!”

Civil society, a road to political reform

Thanks to Premier Wen Jiabao’s (温家宝) speech in Shenzhen last month, the issue of political reform once again became the focus of widespread attention in China. Wen Jiabao’s speech was essentially a review of the political report to the 13th National Party Congress, and Deng Xiaoping (邓小平) himself once made similar statements. People’s heads are buzzing with anticipation over whether real and deep reforms can be jump-started, and whether a “special” zone like Shenzhen might serve as an example for the whole country.
[Editor’s Note: The 13th National Party Congress took place in 1987, and the political report Xiao references is that of Zhao Ziyang, something that cannot be mentioned directly in the editorial. The 1987 political report is still an important benchmark for political reform goals in China, and the report mentioned many concepts, such as “separation of the functions of party and government” (党政分开), or dang zheng fenkai, that are highly sensitive and have rarely been seen since. Wen Jiabao’s remarks back in July were perhaps closer to the 13th Party Congress benchmark on political reform than any remarks we have seen in a long time at such a senior level. But Xiao’s juxtaposing of the two is more rhetorical than rigorous. His point is to invoke the 1987 report, and in fact the gap is still wide between the 1987 report and Wen’s remarks.]
In fact, over the years we have seen a good number of attempts at political reform, not just in special zones but in provinces and cities too. Guangzhou took the lead, for example, in making its finances public. In Guangzhou also, higher appointments within the People’s Political Consultative Conference were subjected to debate by conference delegates before submission to the People’s Congress and the Municipal CCP Committee. There have been experiments in some areas in using the Internet to encourage discussion of political affairs.
Five or six years ago, political reform pilot projects were attempted in Honghe (红河), in Yunnan province, Buyun (步云) and Ya’an (雅安), in Sichuan province, and in Xianning (咸宁), in Hubei province. These experiments ultimately proved that it is ultimately unworkable to rely solely on the power of the system itself to achieve reform, even if that power comes from the highest levels.
If we weigh the obstacles that inhibit reform and the forces that drive it, looking for practical ways forward, we will see that civil society (公民社会), and the enlarging and strengthening of civil society (做强做大公民社会), is a road that is open to us.
The most basic character of civil society is autonomy. Civil society is about developing communities with autonomy as well as autonomous industries and professions.
One of the positive gains of the development of our housing market over the past 20 years has been the emergence of a property-holding class in China on an unprecedented scale. Most of these property holders are highly educated and possess a strong civic consciousness. They also have a decent grasp of modern political culture. They have substantial economic and social resources, and unlike other segments of our society, such as migrant workers, the property-holding class is not fragmented and dispersed. They live in close proximity to one another, and they have a natural tendency toward organization. This segment of society, comprising the property-owning middle class, will provide the principal force of civil society development in China.
This relatively strong class is also a comparatively rational class. They have property, they have knowledge and skills, and they are socially rather well cultivated. These qualities guide them to restraint, calmness and a certain scrupulousness. You could say that while they are a social force of undeniable strength, they are also driven predominantly by a practical wisdom and constructiveness.
For all these reasons, this is a class that can be trusted and counted upon. They harbor hopes and feelings for reform. Because they know there has been no progress, and perhaps even has been a step back, on community autonomy in practical terms over the past few years.
Just look at Guangdong. If you gauge the degree to which property owners are represented by ownership committees, even including those committees run by property developers, you find that these account for about 15 percent of property owners in Guangzhou, 30 percent in Shenzhen, and only 10 percent in Dongguan. The vast majority of communities don’t even have ownership committees, so the very idea of community autonomy is a moot point.
The erosion of community autonomy presents a serious threat to the rights of property holders in China. In a much larger sense, however, the deficit of community autonomy has shut China’s entire middle class outside the door of civil society. They have no way of organizing themselves. The result is that a powerful and rational social force has been completely squandered. And this is a monumental waste of social resources.
The most basic unit of rural life is the village. The most basic unit of urban life is the community. Political reform places particular emphasis on the super-structure. But the stability of society relies on more than just the political super-structure. Even more, it requires a stability that can be relied upon at the basic unit level. If the base of society is stable, then society is stable. This is why the autonomy of villagers and the autonomy of urban communities is absolutely critical.
This means that the building of autonomy is an urgent task of the moment, even more crucial than political reform itself. Essentially, the center of gravity in Chinese society needs to be moved downward. The social center of gravity needs to be established at the basic unit level, at the level of the village community and the city community.
And yet, in recent years, the forced intervention of the government has pushed autonomy to the margins, both in the villages and the urban communities. This does not bode well for general social development. But even if the weakening of rural communities is such that autonomy will be much harder to build there, we can rest assured that the strength of the property-holding class and China’s middle class as a whole will be sufficiently strong to support the building of community autonomy.
The building of civil society through the building of autonomous communities is a workable and practical path toward social transition in China. The process involves enlarging and strengthening civil society through the development of autonomous urban communities, professions and industries, and then harnessing the strength of civil society to press for further reform of the social management system. This does not involve a terrifying tidal wave of change, but rather quiet and incremental development. But this quiet process of development would prove strongest and most effective.
These days, we ask ourselves how exactly Shenzhen is special. The new point of breakthrough for this special zone, however, is clear. As the first city in China to pioneer a new style of community, and as a city with a strong property-holding class and middle class, the seeds of civil society have already been planted in Shenzhen. Why don’t we begin by trying it out there?
This article originally appeared in Chinese at China Youth Daily

Hu's Shenzhen speech: the numbers

Hu Jintao’s so-called “important speech” today in commemoration of the 30th anniversary of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone was perhaps eagerly awaited by those who wondered whether China’s president might echo, even faintly, the political reform language voiced by Premier Wen Jiabao (温家宝) two weeks ago. If so, a look at the full text of the speech would suggest they were sorely disappointed.
The following is a graph of key terms employed by Hu Jintao in his speech today, and their frequency of use in the speech based on the full version provided by Xinhua News Agency.


Readers may notice right off that there are no mentions at all of political reform — that would be “political system reforms,” or zhengzhi tizhi gaige (政治体制改革).
There is only one point where a partial reference to political reform is made: “[We must] be unshakeable in deepening reforms, raise the scientific nature of reform decisions, and enhance the compatibility of reform measures, comprehensively promoting reform of the economic system, political system, cultural system and social system, seeking breakthroughs in important sectors and at critical points.”
There are several mentions of “democracy,” but these fall under the notion of “socialist democracy” (社会主义民主) and “socialism with Chinese characteristics” (see below). Hu says at one point: “[We must] expand socialist democracy, accelerate the building of a socialist nation of rule of law, and carry out democratic elections, democratic decision-making, democratic management, and democratic monitoring, preserving the people’s right to know, right to participate, right to express and right to monitor.”
Before the reference to “democratic elections” excites anyone, it should be noted that this is a reference to “inner-party democracy,” the only other term that brings the two characters for “democracy,” minzhu (民主), into Hu’s speech. Hu talks about the need to “expand inner-party democracy at the grass roots and . . . protect the democratic rights of party members.”
In the absence of any political reform language whatsoever, such things as “democratic decision-making” and “democratic elections” obviously suggest a Party attitude toward governance, akin to the idea that governance should be “people-based,” rather than any systemic change.
The “four rights” mentioned in the passage on “socialist democracy” are familiar from Hu Jintao’s 2007 political report, in which they were one of the only points to offer pro-reform analysts any encouragement. To the extent these rights have been realized at all since 2007, it has been through generalized Internet access and interactivity (including “online democracy”), and increased coverage (mostly by state-run media) of so-called sudden-breaking news events in China, such as natural disasters and work-related tragedies. This is a limited gain, and says much more about propaganda strategy than it does about political change. (Raise your hand if you think more open access to government spin equals greater participation).
Corresponding to the gap in political reform-related language, there is an (expected) emphasis on that old status quo favorite, “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” or zhongguo tese shehui zhuyi (中国特色社会主义) in Hu’s speech.
Hu talks about the creation of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone as a “glorious creation” of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people “on the road in search of socialism with Chinese characteristics.”
“Socialism with Chinese characteristics” arose historically in China as a counterpoint to the idea of “democratic socialism” (民主社会主义). In 2006, a number of relatively open-minded scholars allied proposals for further research into the question of “democratic socialism” with calls for an acceleration of political reforms. In response, leftists held more than ten conferences to criticize these moves. The emphasis on “Chinese characteristics (中国特色) is essentially an emphasis on “China’s national characteristics” (中国国情), and it seeks to draw clear boundaries between China and Western systems of democracy or the social democracy of Europe.
By the same token, the slogan “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” can also serve to prevent further inroads by the leftist camp. The term is a bone thrown out to the hard-liners.
The emphasis on “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” essentially upholds the policy, a 1980s legacy of Deng Xiaoping, of not getting mired in controversy over the ideological underpinnings of China’s development — “not arguing over whether China’s economy is surnamed Socialism or surnamed Capitalism” (不争论姓社姓资). The preservation of “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” is, therefore, a nod in the direction of the left, a stopgap solution preventing an ideological clash. The hope is that economic reforms can proceed without controversy, with a clear line drawn between China’s present economic development and the legacy of Mao Zedong’s brand of socialism.
Clearly, though, while the hard-liners are thrown the same old bone, there is little or nothing in today’s speech for pro-reformers to sink their teeth into.

Refusing a Charitable Invitation

An editorial in the September 6 edition of Shanghai’s Oriental Morning Post took Chinese billionaires to task for apparently refusing an invitation from Microsoft founder Bill Gates to attend a banquet to be held in Beijing on September 29. Gates and investment baron Warren Buffett, who jointly initiated the Giving Pledge campaign, calling on the world’s wealthiest people to give at least half of their fortunes to philanthropy, both planned to attend the September 29 banquet. The Oriental Morning Post editorial said:

Those rich Chinese who refused invitations by Gates and Buffett didn’t do so just because they are shy. Actually, they don’t want to be exposed before the public, and don’t want their wealth to become a topic of debate. Even less do they want a link made between fortune and charity that they have no way of controlling. Saying that China’s rich cannot face charity frankly and openly isn’t as to the point as saying that they don’t dare be truthful in facing how they got rich in the first place.

In this cartoon, by artist Jiang Lidong (蒋立冬), Bill Gates is pictured ringing the doorbell of a Chinese billionaire, enthusiastically holding up a card that reads “Invitation.” The Chinese billionaire cowers behind the door, peaking through the peep-hole.

The other side of the reform divide

On a visit to Shenzhen last month, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (温家宝) allowed us to hear from one side of the political reform divide in China, arguing that China needed “not only to promote economic reform, but must also promote political system reforms.” Wen said that “without the guarantee provided by political system reforms, the results of economic reform will be lost, and the goal of modernization cannot be achieved.”
Predictably, those who support substantive political reform in China — generally broad-brushed as the “right” end of China’s political spectrum — chased up Wen’s speech with their own calls for political reform.
Over the weekend, however, we got to hear from the “left” end of China’s political spectrum in an essay in Guangming Daily, a newspaper run by the CCP’s Central Propaganda Department. The essay, which dismisses the “bourgeois democracy” of the West as a “democracy of the few” and lauds the “socialist democracy” of China as a democracy of the masses, reminds us that you can talk about democracy in China and never leave the cozy armchair of dictatorship.


Venting on Twitter yesterday, Renmin University of China professor and CMP fellow Zhang Ming (张鸣) wrote: “Guangming Daily is a garbage daily, a newspaper for those who profit by gathering garbage paper. They come out and say this crap about some socialist democracy.”
Internet users at a number of forums were similarly clear-eyed, or unkind, depending on how one accepted the arguments in Guangming Daily.
“The Guangming Daily article is actually anti-democracy and anti-reform,” one user wrote. “Guangming Daily has already been reduced into a bridgehead against the people and democracy manipulated by certain forces,” said another.
And:

Guangming Daily is a monument to whoredom!”
“You have no shame, and you still call yourself ‘bright.'” (“Guangming” means “bright” in Chinese).
Guangming Daily talks about drawing a clear distinction between socialist democracy and capitalist democracy. The problem is that the former is totally invisible and untouchable, so how can anything be distinguished at all?”
“With democracy we can distinguish only between real democracy and fake democracy!”
Guangming Daily was once a newspaper in the democratic camp, which belonged to the right. Clearly it is now changed beyond all recognition.”

The following is a translation of key portions of the Guangming Daily editorial, which was written by Xu Zhenhua (徐振华).

Two Democracies of Different Natures Must Not Be Confused (两种不同性质民主不可混)
Guangming Daily
September 4, 2010
On practical political questions, it is only proper to conduct some comparative research. But the precondition is that you be clear about the basic differences between the two types of democracy — otherwise, you run the risk of confusing one thing with the other and coming to improper conclusions.
First of all, in answering the question of “who governs,” socialist democracy and capitalist democracy are clearly delineated in their answers. Socialist democracy adheres to a people’s democratic dictatorship (人民民主专政), truly realizing the people as the masters [of their country] and carrying out among the people the most extensive democracy, and meanwhile to those enemies within carrying out the most effective dictatorship in accord with the law. Capitalist democracy, on the other hand, is only democracy among the very few, and it is limited within the bourgeois class, at its most basic seeking to protect private ownership of the means of production and thereby safeguard the interests of the bourgeois class. These differences in “state system” are of critical importance, showing us the class nature of democratic politics. Therefore, if someone does not recognize clearly the question of “who governs” before they argue specific political questions, they are like blind people groping the elephant, prone to all sorts of errors.
On the question of “how governing occurs,” socialist democracy and capitalist democracy are also poles apart. Socialist democracy adheres to the basic political system of the National People’s Congress, thoroughly ensuring the position of the people as the masters [of their country] and giving full scope to the sense of ownership and responsibility. While capitalist democracy also advertises itself as “rule by the people” and [holds that] “all people are equal,” under the system of private ownership the few still exercise control, regardless of what form the system takes. These basic differences in political systems are important background as we observe actual realities, and if we disregard these we will reach prejudiced or preposterous conclusions.
Aside from the differences in state systems and political systems, socialist democracy and capitalist democracy show clear differences in terms of political party systems, ethnic relations (民族关系), grassroots democracy (基层民主) and other such issues — and these too must not be overlooked. All of these differences must be the keystone of our decisions and reforms. Whether we are talking about regional experimentation or about comprehensive trials, all of these must be based upon a drawing of clear distinctions between these different forms of democracy.

Painting Over Environmental Woes

An area of the Qinling Mountains (秦岭) in Hua County (华县) in China’s northern Shaanxi province has been devastated by reckless mining and digging. According to a September 2 report in Guangzhou’s Southern Metropolis Daily, the local government sought to disguise the environmental damage by enclosing the quarries with blue fences and applying green paint to exposed cliff faces. Local leaders went so far as to describe the effort as an “advanced experience.” This cartoon, posted by artist Cao Yi (曹一) to his QQ comic blog, shows an official labeled “Land and Resources Bureau” draping a naked mountain with a jacket he then slops over with green paint. The sign to one side of the “exposed mountain” reads: “Advanced Experience.”

Bona Fide Cadre Sex Diary

On August 3, 2010, the official news website of China’s Guangxi Autonomous Region reported on the trial in Nanning (南宁) of Han Feng (韩峰), a former government official with the region’s Tobacco Sales Bureau, who was accused of bribery. After Han Feng’s personal diary telling of his sexual exploits was released on the Internet in 2010, he became referred to in China as the “diary minister.” In court, Han reportedly admitted that the entries in the diary were “mostly true.” In this cartoon appearing in official media, the artist draws a government official tangled in the bed sheets of an open diary. The text over the heads of the official and his mistress reads, “Minister’s Diary.” On the coatrack behind them hangs a dynastic style minister’s cap, a symbol of official power.

How Chinese science lost its backbone

Editor’s Note: Huang Wanli (黄万里), the subject of Zhang Ming’s essay, was one of China’s preeminent scientists and engineers of the 20th century. A graduate of Tangshan Jiao Tong University, Huang and later went on to study engineering at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, where he became the university’s first Chinese PhD graduate. He was branded a “rightist” in the 1950s after voicing his opposition to the Sanmenxia Gorge Dam Project on the Yellow River, which he believed (quite rightly) would be disastrous environmentally. Huang Wanli was interviewed by Chinese writer and CMP fellow Dai Qing (戴晴) as part of her celebrated book Yangtze! Yangtze!, in which he expressed similar reservations about the Three Gorges Dam Project. The timing of Zhang Ming’s editorial is also important because it follows news of the detention of Xie Chaoping, a former journalist who just completed a three-year project of reportage on the Sanmenxia Gorge Dam Project.
August 27 marked the ninth anniversary of the death of engineer Huang Wanli (黄万里). And I’d like to offer a few remarks about Huang Wanli that touch on my own role, that of an intellectual at an academic institution.
Like the vast majority of Chinese professors today, Huang Wanli was an intellectual inside the system, who drew his wages from the government and engaged in highly technical work. In his own discipline, perhaps, he was far superior to most of us intellectuals today, but his basic identity was the same. I often wonder, if there were similar doubts raised today to those Huang Wanli raised in his own day about building the Sanmenxia Gorge Dam Project, would anyone at all dare to speak up? I would venture to say NO — that even if people understood that the dam project could not be built, they would not openly oppose it, and probably would not even secretly voice their objections.
Just look, there is no fear today of being branded as a political blackguard, and there is no chance either that one would be struck down as a “rightist” But still, each discussion meeting our experts hold [for a potential project] is a completely ridiculous affair. Does anyone at all dare utter the word NO. No, not a soul. Our experts look to their colleagues, to government leaders and, more importantly, to the hefty consulting fees, and then they decide what those organizing the evaluation want, what the leaders want, and that’s what the experts say.
Huang Wanli was an intellectual with backbone. This is beyond any doubt. And his pluck came actually from two things. One was from his sense of professionalism as a scientist. The other was his sense of responsibility. The latter, in fact, was more important. As a professional, a true scientist can do without political views, but they must respect the rules of science and the results of experimentation. They cannot disregard their own knowledge and training and speak against their own conscience. They especially cannot speak this way for the sake of certain political goals. Which is to say that if a scientist’s research tells him something is white, then he cannot, no matter how intense the pressure that comes to bear on him, say that something is black. To his mind, doing so would be a great burden on his conscience.
I’m quite certain that in those days there were many other experts who, like Huang Wanli, recognized the problems with the Sanmenxia Gorge Dam Project, and who agreed against their consciences with the views of Soviet scientists. But the only one capable of really standing up was Huang Wanli.
We can say that Huang Wanli, as the grandson of the great educator Huang Yanpei (黄炎培), had a very strong upbringing. We know from his experiences studying abroad that he had solid scientific training, and so he perhaps had a more unshakable professional ethic than others. But we can also say that as a scientist with a keen sense of duty toward his country, he had an even deeper sense of responsibility to his people. Under the intense pressure of political correctness at the time, one could choose to follow one’s professional convictions in silence, or one could offer one’s opinion and then fall silent — but Huang Wanli decided instead to resist wholeheartedly. This was how he courted disaster. And as others may see it, he was incredibly foolish.
Those who feel a deep and abiding sense of responsibility to their country and their people are always fools. Those who sacrifice themselves for justice, who plead on behalf of the people, are all fools. If history was full of nothing but people who shifted their sails with the prevailing winds, how tasteless and uninteresting history would be. Even with those who cut graceful figures, who excelled at artifice, or who distinguished themselves in battle, history would be tasteless and uninteresting. The fools put the color into history and keep it alive. The fools may all meet tragic ends, but the history of any peoples earns its admiration by virtue of their deeds.
Strictly speaking, no one can act in utter selflessness. But if someone acts for the sake of their people and their country, they can achieve selflessness, setting aside personal success and interest. In this sense, Huang Wanli was a selfless human being. He was selfless because he had an overbearing sense of responsibility. This doesn’t mean, of course, that Huang Wanli’s fellow scientists at the time acted unprofessionally or without responsibility. But why is it that people so seldom do what Huang Wanli did?
At this point, we must ask ourselves: why is it that scientists do not have a space where they can completely express their opinions? Why is it that on scientific questions we must still accommodate political objectives, allowing politics to crush science, allowing the wills of politicians to crush the expert views of scientists? political dissent. Why is it that differing views in the scientific arena instantly become political dissent, and those scientists who express dissent are labelled instantly as “rightists”? Clearly, this is something that, even today, we must think about very carefully.
It should be the case today that political pressures are not so severe. And yet, the intrusion of administrative and commercial interests continues to influence scientific determinations. Ridiculous commands still hold sway, as we repeat again and again in China the lessons of our own foolishness. We keep building “projects of foolishness” like the Sanmenxia Gorge Dam Project. Even more serious is the fact that our scientists act without professionalism and with utter irresponsibility. Behind each failing project there are experts who furnish the schemes. But when the projects fail, we have the same experts scheming again, this time to tell us that the problem wasn’t in the design, inspection or approval, and the matter is simply written off. When do we ever see scientific experts take responsibility for these failures? No none takes responsibility, but they are more than happy to accept money to scheme these problems in or out of existence.
It wouldn’t be fair to say that scientists and intellectuals today are inexpert or lack technical ability. But what they lack even more critically is the soul and spirit of the scientist, and the sense of professionalism and responsibility. And perhaps this shortcoming can be dated back to the time when Huang Wanli was branded as a “rightist.”
This article originally appeared in Chinese at Southern Metropolis Weekly magazine.

Hey, Where's My Share?

On August 25, 2010, Xinhua News Agency reported that the central Party would continue its campaign to reign in the practice among Party and government offices and government-sponsored institutions of keeping “private coffers” (小金库), or stashes of unreported, off-the-books revenue. Xinhua reported that the Party has discovered 24,877 such “small coffers” since April 2009, totaling 12.24 billion yuan. In a subsequent interview, however, well-known anti-corruption expert Lin Zhe (林喆) said cracking down on the practice would be difficult. Why? Because in the vast majority of cases, said Lin, the whistle was blown on “small coffers” only when people inside government offices or government-sponsored institutions felt they had been denied their proper share in the “spoils.” In this cartoon posted to his QQ blog, artist Shang Haichun (商海春) depicts a fat official or employee walking off with the ‘small coffer’ cash box.” A skinny man behind him holds an empty bag labeled “spoils” and picks up the phone, saying “I’m informing on you!”

Tale of a murdered microblog

Since July this year there have been rumblings of change in the world of the Chinese microblog, hints that authorities are getting more active in the control of this new information medium, which allows virtual real-time sharing of information tidbits among networks of users. Last month, CMP fellow and new media expert Hu Yong (胡泳) wrote of the importance of the microblog in China. Hu’s delicate subtext was that new attempts to control the technology must not be allowed to sap it of its vitality.
The signs, it seems, are now becoming more explicit.
In a blog entry posted yesterday, Wu Danhong (吴丹红), an assistant professor at China University of Political Science and Law, who writes online under the alias “Wu Fatian” (吴法天), popped the lid on the recent death of his microblog and the censorship he endured while maintaining it over a period of five months.
Wu Danhong is perhaps best known outside legal circles in China as the man who uncovered the truth about Chinese businessman Yu Jinyong (禹晋永), who was found to have falsified his resume, and was one of a number of prominent Chinese business leaders this summer to be dragged through the muck of the Internet. Here, for example, is a recent interview (in Chinese) in which Wu Danhong talks about how he first began to suspect that Yu Jinyong had lied about his education and credentials.
For those who missed the fireworks, New Century magazine has a good run down in English of the scandals facing Yu Jinyong and others recently.
Incidentally, it was also Yu Jinyong who famously thrashed the media as the source of his troubles, saying during a press conference he called: “If I want to close the door and beat the dogs, I have to first let them into the house. So there are a lot of media with us today.”
The following is Wu Danhong’s post yesterday on the senseless murder of his microblog.

Many people already know who I am — at least since I openly exposed the frauds of Xu Jinyong. But this is only a small part of my world. I have spent fifteen years studying the law, and I have been on the Internet for twelve years already. The Internet has become an important space in which I share my ideas about rule of law.


In the past, I was quite preoccupied with my academic work, a young scholar who scarcely lifted his head to see what was happening in the real world. Every year I wrote academic papers, and only every so often did I write more casual essays. Letters from two death-row inmates ultimately shook me out of my quiet and complacent life.
Both inmates wrote to me after reading editorials I had written for the Legal Daily and the Procuratorate Daily. They described the wrongful aspects of their cases and hoped that I could offer my assistance. I was unable to help them, but their appeals did make me recognize that legal scholars had an obligation to share their knowledge and ideas with society at large, and that perhaps this is a far more important business than the writing of academic papers. Here is how I put it in the preface to Profiles in the Law:
In academia, should we or should we not turn our attention more to real and living things of concern? Indeed, the bulk of our academic work is shared within the community of legal scholarship. But commentaries and editorials can reach a much larger audience, helping more people understand the concepts of democracy and rule of law, and giving them an experience of fairness, justice and conscience.
Ever since I began practicing law part time and writing a blog in 2005, my writings have circled around one idea, or one hope — “that one day those who observe the law will not be alone and isolated, that those who break the law will live in fear, that the law enforcement process can promise fair trials and give us a society in which justice prevails.”
It was by happenstance that I registered on Sina Microblog on April 5, 2010, and began my days as a microblogger. As a Web-based information tool allowing rapid connection with groups of people through bits of information, the microblog allows great ease of communication.
But my optimism about microblogging came with underlying reservations too. Back in April I wrote on my microblog: “The rise of the microblog has revolutionary significance for freedom of speech in China. On this platform through which everyone can become a ‘journalist,’ information controls are already rendered powerless, and hundreds of millions of Internet users are pushing their way into the future through a society that has already become rotten. Perhaps in the not-too-distant future, the communication technology of the microblog will develop and replace traditional media. The biggest unknown factor is when the government will step in to muzzle the power of this wild horse surging forward.
In fact, controls on the microblog were already evident as I expressed the above sentiment. Another professor at China University of Political Science and Law, Xiao Han (萧瀚), a colleague of mine and someone who dares to speak the truth openly, had already been “reincarnated” some thirty times — he would move his microblog to another account for a while before that one would be shut down. But for those users registering accounts in their real names, there had not yet been a precedent in which a microblog was completely shut down.
August 28 marked the one-year anniversary of the launch of Sina Microblog. To commemorate the day, I wrote a record of my experiences with my Sina Microblog being blocked and deleted. My intention was to gift Sina with a certificate of merit, or a silk banner of honor, if you will, thanking their management personnel for their arduous work in deleting posts and blocking service, for their contributions toward a harmonious society. But this pleasantry of mine ultimately unleashed the pent-up displeasure these management personnel felt towards me. Without any prior notice whatsoever, the posting function on my microblog was made subject to item-by-item review, and all subsequent posts were blocked.
But it seems this matter was not so simple as it appeared on the surface.
On August 29, after the attack on Fang Chouzi (方舟子), there was quite a stir on the Internet. Many people wondered why I had not responded to express my support for Fang. They had no idea I could no longer make posts.
On August 30, my response and comments functions were set to item-by-item review by management personnel, and I found later that my responses were not being posted at all. I was entirely unable to respond or comment.
On August 31, my personal photograph and bio were deleted by Sina Microblog management personnel, and I received no prior notice whatsoever about this. I attempted to make contact with managers, and one manager told me that this wasn’t their decision, but was “the intention up top” (上面的意思). I said my microblog had contained nothing at all that could be construed as illegal or reactionary. He said my posts had probably dealt too much with current politics (时政内容太多). I said I focused mostly on legal issues, and can you guess what he said? He said, “The law is also current politics.”

On the night of August 31, I discovered that not only were my microblog followers not growing, but they were in fact falling in number. I watched them fall from 9,958 to 9,952. When I asked my friends about this, they said I had already been marked as “forbidden” (禁止关注), so it was no longer possible for others to follow me. A few of my friends were skeptical. They un-followed me and then attempted to add me again — but this was impossible.
This is how Sina Microblog has managed to thoroughly kill me off. 9,957, 9,956, 9,955 . . . Before long, all of my Sina Microblog followers will vanish.

In the last day or so, I’ve tried many time to get the news out, but all of my posts have been deleted by Web managers. If other microblogs attempt to post my content they too are deleted. A reporter from Youth Times approached Sina Microbog on my behalf and was told that all this was because “large amounts of language attacking the government had been posted” (发表大量攻击政府的言论).
In truth, it’s difficult to find anything among my posts that attacks the government. If they said that I had attacked Tang Su (唐骏), Yu Jinyong (禹晋永), Li Yi (李一) and Dong Siyang (董思阳) then I would have to confess. I’ve spent a great deal of energy exposing their frauds. But do they represent the government?