Author: David Bandurski

Now Executive Director of the China Media Project, leading the project’s research and partnerships, David originally joined the project in Hong Kong in 2004. He is the author of Dragons in Diamond Village (Penguin), a book of reportage about urbanization and social activism in China, and co-editor of Investigative Journalism in China (HKU Press).

When will the right time come to ask the tough questions?

By David Bandurski — In the immediate aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake, one line you could expect to hear from many Chinese, including journalists, was: now is not the time for the serious questions, but the time to act. One month on, as the media spotlight turns slowly away from Sichuan, the tough questions still hang in the air. Why did all of those schools collapse? What impact might dam projects have had on the quake?
But now, many are saying, it is time for the nation to nurse its wounds and move on. Now it is time to sing the “main theme.” Now it is time for the people to rise for the opening of the Beijing Olympic Games and China’s glorious moment.
And what about those questions?
This is the theme of one of today’s stronger editorials in China’s media, a second one from columnist and Phoenix TV host Leung Man-Tao (梁文道). The editorial appeared on the Nanfang Daily Group website as well as Phoenix Online and QQ.
Leung raises a number of interesting points, including the idea that over-emotional earthquake coverage owed as much to the “irrepressible urge of media in the commercial age” to find emotive selling points as to a party propaganda campaign.

Disaster in the Age of Multi-Dimensional Media
This was a disaster that received all-around coverage by China’s media. And as it was the first such time, there are naturally many areas we can turn our attention to and view carefully. We do not do this as an assault on morale, or because we want to dab salt on open wounds. We do it so that we can walk out onto a broader road, where we can see farther into the distance.
Owing to the government’s unprecedented openness early on, it was not only reporters from Xinhua News Agency and other central party media that went to the scene, but media from all over the country and the world. In a single night, a flood of multi-dimensional media – text, sound, video – surrounded audiences 24 hours a day. People hungered for information, and media scrambled to provide it. In such a situation, a little rule that has weathered and dominated countless disaster reports was transplanted to China.
This little rule was to rush out in the early stages with a huge volume of stories about the realities of the disaster situation, and then to gradually shift the focus to moving deeds in the relief effort. This little rule was not something deliberate on the media’s part, but came out of interaction between media and audiences. In the immediate aftermath, everyone naturally wanted to know the newest and most accurate information. But as the cruel reality of death and dying was repeated before everyone’s eyes, there was no way for them to entirely bear it. And so, just like a stage drama, the well-tried norms of storytelling came into play. Stories of heroic rescue and other stories “radiating humanity” steadily cropped up, until they became the focus — because audiences really needed emotional relief.
On top of this unwritten rule, which routinely emerges in disaster reporting overseas, China’s longstanding tradition that holds that “fighting the disaster is more important than the facts of the disaster” (抗灾大于灾况) worsened this tendency to dramatize. After the dead become numbers and we begin to feel numb to the scenes of devastation, everyone needs stories that can console our pain and move our hearts. When we feel despair we need to renew our faith in those values we believe in, and we particularly yearn for release from our troubles. So all of this is natural.
Just as “natural” is the irrepressible urge of media in the commercial age to take pain and transform it into limelight. They seek exclusive scenes, and use techniques like music to stir emotions up again and again — and more, in our national circumstances, they follow on the coattails of officials, holding them up as examples. This means that the in-depth analysis and long-term thinking we should have are delayed or non-existent.
Let’s just say that all of this is forgivable. Can we all expect a time when we’ve cooled off enough to start the process of review and reassessment? What I’m most afraid of is that the attention of the audience will begin to shift. I’m afraid that once everyone has shed their tears, parted with their donations and made peace with their own humanity, they’ll think it is time to bid this matter farewell – time for us to dress our wounds and move on, starting from the top by celebrating the Olympic Games.
Our own pains are an easy matter to resolve, but the hurt in the disaster area will take at least 10 years to make better . . . If you think about it, have the lives of those who suffered from SARS returned to normal? Have we found all of those child slaves in Shanxi? Rebuilding still is not done in those areas affected by the Asian Tsunami, which brought the biggest tide of donation pledges in world history, and many of those pledges have still not materialized.
When tours of leaders to the disaster area, donations by major commercial enterprises, and even disaster relief workers talking about their own experiences begin to override stories of mothers still searching for their children and survivors still scrambling to rebuild their lives, then this ruthless media process has already begun . . .
But how many questions do we still need to ask? Why did those schools collapse? Where did all of these dams come from? (The complicated cause and effect relationship between reservoirs and earthquakes has been hotly debated by experts). What kinds of hiccups were there in the management of the relief effort? Yes, we have to go on with our lives. But where will the survivors live? How will they live? Will loans have to by repayed for those homes that collapsed? In these television programs that go to absurd lengths to stir emotions . . . these questions are growing cold and are in danger of being pushed into insignificance. Of course a lot of people angrily condemn the problem of “tofu suds” engineering, and they want to go after those without conscience, “giving them death.” But I’m afraid they are too busy, and there are too many “death sentences” to carry out.
These may seem like rough words, because they do not fit with the main theme (主旋律), not with the main theme set by the government but the main theme hummed out of the hearts and minds of every media consumer. In the immediate aftermath [of the disaster], words like these are empty distractions from the urgent work of rescue. Later, words like these disrupt everyone’s atmosphere of personal healing.

[Posted by David Bandurski, June 12, 2008, 9:53pm HK]

A booster rocket lands safely . . . but is there more to the story?

By David Bandurski — As I was browsing through the news page at QQ.com today, I noticed something interesting about one of the photos popping up on their usual slideshow of featured stories. The image showed a booster from the multistage rocket that launched the Chinasat-9 direct-broadcast television satellite into orbit on June 9. It sat, a hulk of burned out technology, with the mountains of Guizhou rising in the distance. But close behind the booster — way too close for comfort — you could see the shingled tops of a pair of homes. “Woah!” I thought.
The accompanying news caption from the official China News Service took this all very much in stride:

On June 10, the wreckage of a booster rocket is seen in Jianggu Village, Zhenyuan County, of the Qiandongnan Miao and Dong Minority Autonomous Prefecture of Guizhou Province. On June 9 at 8:15 p.m. our country’s Xichang Satellite Launch Center successfully sent our first direct broadcast satellite, the Zhongxing-9, into orbit with a Long March-3B rocket carrier. Several minutes after liftoff, four boosters successfully disengaged and landed safely in Zhenyuan, Qiandongnan.

Wait a minute. Is this the entire story? Can we have some responses from villagers, please? And perhaps a few comments from the good folks at the Xichang Satellite Launch Center? I mean, just look at this picture!

booster-rocket-lands-safely.jpg

There were not many responses to the QQ item this afternoon, but I decided to click on the comments section just to see whether I was alone in being concerned about this. Here is what Chinese readers had to say:

From: not specified
“It looks like it’s right next to houses. Lucky it didn’t land right on the roofs!”
From: Dongguan
“How dangerous! If it had landed just a bit to one side it would have hit those houses. Can’t we think of a way to control where it comes down? Shouldn’t we avoid unfortunate accidents?”
From: Yongzhou
“That first picture looks really dangerous . . . ”
From: not specified
“I feel faint. It landed right next to that house!”
From: Zhejiang
“I feel really awful about this somehow.”

UPDATE (4:58pm):
There are now 253 responses to this news item on QQ. Here are a few more:

From: Dehongzhou
“Landing no more than 10 meters from a private residence — is that what you call success?”
From: Shenzhen
“Even if it didn’t land on anyone, it’s not good to destroy the ecology either!”
From: Shanghai
“My heart felt cold when I saw that picture. What if it had hit someone? Did no one think of this before? If there’s a danger of injuring people in launching satellites, I’d rather they not do it. Human life is the most important thing. I hope this is a lesson to us. The lives of our brothers and sisters in the mountains are precious too.”
From: Nanchang
“That is so eco- unfriendly!”
From: Shanghai
“What are all of you fussing about? This is a good thing.”
From: Changsha
“Is that really where they planned for it to land? How can it be so close to people’s homes?”
From: Lishui City
“Oh, Big Brother is really ingenious! I can’t stop laughing!”
From: Chongqing
“Oh, this is classic!”

UPDATE (1:09pm HK, June 12):
There are now 2,308 comments to this news item on QQ.
[Posted by David Bandurski, June 11, 2008, 2:53pm HK]

Is it against Chinese law to be callous and pigheaded?

By David Bandurski — China’s latest case of the “human flesh search engine” (人肉引掣) at work has landed a 17-year-old girl in police detention, and that has some Chinese asking: is this really a matter of broad social concern, and is there any legal basis for police intervention? [Frontpage Image: Screenshot of controversial video in yet another Internet mob case back on May 20, 2008]
This time, the “engine” has turned against a girl from the city of Xinyi in Jiangsu Province, who, according to news reports that give her month and year of birth, should not be a legal adult until next November. While many people — and certainly millions of Web users — found her insensitive comments on the Sichuan earthquake unacceptable, a few columnists have stepped out in the last two days to question the handling of the case by authorities.
The following editorial from RedNet, which appeared yesterday on QQ and other major web portals, questions the legal basis for the administrative detention of the Jiangsu girl, and argues for a clearer understanding of the differences between the public and private domains.

On What Basis is the Girl Who Cursed the Disaster Victims Being Detained?
By Yu Lisheng (于立生)
Finding herself at odds with a web user from Sichuan, a girl from the city of Xinyi in Jiangsu Province wrote a post called “Thank Goodness for the Earthquake in Sichuan” on her personal QQ space, in which she mocked the victims of the Wenchuan earthquake. On June 5 police administratively detained this girl.
When I heard this news I was really shocked. I was shocked first of all by this girl’s remarks, which were truly ignorant and lacking in conscience. Secondly, I was shocked by the fact that – though what she said was doubtlessly wrong – she could be found guilty on the basis of her words and detained by police for three days, which seemed to me a bit uncalled for.
I believe that our freedom of thought (思想自由) is absolute, not subject to any restrictions, as this is purely our personal domain. Freedom of expression and freedom of movement, on the other hand, which can potentially impact larger society, should be correspondingly restricted, subject to greater limitations arising from law or from moral codes. And so we should be responsible for speech and actions exercised in the public domain.
This girl, because she spoke incorrectly, has been administratively detained by police for three days; and the reason the police cite is “danger to society.” Article 2 of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Penalties for Administration of Public Security (中华人民共和国治安管理处罚法) states that: “Whoever disturbs social order, endangers public safety, infringes upon a citizen’s rights of the person and encroaches upon public or private property, if such acts constitute a crime according to the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, shall be investigated for criminal responsibility; if such acts are not serious enough for criminal punishment but should be given administrative penalties for public security, penalties shall be given according to these Regulations.”
But we must be clear that this girl’s wrong remarks were expressed in a QQ.com space, which is to say in a space where the lines between the private and public domains are a matter of some controversy. Let’s say someone is standing on his own doorstep – not quite inside, but not on the street either – and they shout out something vile. How damaging is this to society? If Internet users had not issued an “online wanted poster” (网络通缉) and started up the “human flesh search engine” (人肉引掣) how much attention would have been paid to this ordinary girl in her personal QQ space? What kind of effect does this really have on society?
If we go by this way of thinking, then we can say that this sort of behavior is wrong, just like cursing on the streets — but should it result in administrative detention?
Secondly, according to news reports, this girl was born in November 1990, so she is not yet 18 years old. But Article 21 of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Penalties for Administration of Public Security stipulates that: “Under one of the following circumstances, the penalty of administrative detention shall not be executed against the person who has committed an act against the administration of public security, although such a penalty should be imposed on him/ her according to the provisions of this Law: (1) The person has attained to the age of 14 but not to the age of 16; (2) The person has attained to the age of 16 but not to the age of 18, and such act is committed for the first time.”
So we must ask: what is the legal basis for the police imposition on this girl of three days of administrative detention?
This girl definitely said the wrong thing. But morals are morals, and laws are laws. We can criticize her and educate her. We can call her morals into question. But we must not confuse the lines here, overstepping the law. Voltaire once said: “I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it.” What I mean to say is: “I firmly disapprove of this girl’s ignorance and her rash words lacking conscience, but I must defend the legal rights of this girl who “has attained to the age of 16 but not to the age of 18” not to be administratively detained.
When dealing with underaged children, I’m afraid, “Learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones, and curing an illness to cure the patient,” are much more valuable methods than, “Beating them to death with a single swing of the club.”

[Posted by David Bandurski, June 10, 2008, 2:35pm HK]

———————
As of 2:36pm, June 10, 2008, the above editorial on QQ had drawn more than 20,000 comments from Web users. We include a few below, in the original:

评论首页 >> 新闻 >> 综合新闻
123456下一页最末页
来自:117.23.96.* 2008-06-09 08:49:45[热帖]腾讯网友:
[对你发表的的文章表示不满]
四川发生大地震,牵动全中国人民的心,在这种情况下我们要团结要爱护自己的同胞,而不是吃里爬外,如果,你的家人失去了,别人诅咒你的家人,你会高兴吗???我想你不会,那个女人的做法已经说明他不配做中国人,我个人感觉拘留的对。如果,我们不及时采取措施我想骂人的会接二连三的出现!你要不满你可以告执法单位啊,在这说有什么???最看不起就是你们这种动笔不做事情的人。
回复 支持(1978)反对(1310) 参与辩论(75)
来自:十堰市 2008-06-09 08:53:31[热帖]杰 [等级一]:
看到被拘留的消息.感觉是还法制社会呢?悲哀啊!看来离法制社会还远的很啊,就因为惹了众怒就能拘留.赞同楼主所说的拘留的理由就是依据是什么?没依据就只能口头教育,不能拘留.一个孩子而已没必要一棒子打死.年少无知能有几多人年少时候没无知荒唐过?对那些想叫人家死坐牢的人,别以为你叫嚣几句你就爱国,国家不是你这种爱法,我们可以批评教育小女孩,但不能做过了毕竟她是个孩子
回复 支持(1751)反对(886) 参与辩论(53)
来自:杭州市 2008-06-09 08:39:53[热帖]腾讯网友:
[你是中国人吗,什么是法,法是立在什么之上的?]
好像很有材一样的,搞的多大学问一样,不懂就不要乱叫,像这样的情节我觉得3天太少,最少拘留也要15天,你这样的人我看也该拘留个15天. 能拘留她还找不到法律条文吗,哎!有这个精力去多支持一下灾区人民,在这儿打什么抱不平,你以为你是谁呀,想成名也别这样叫,实在没事做,买几本法律书看一下!
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来自:黑河市 2008-06-09 08:41:20[热帖]津搏 [等级一]:
作者先生,中国就你一个人懂法吗,在这卖弄啥!
回复 支持(437)反对(555) 参与辩论(15)
来自:江苏省 2008-06-09 08:37:38[热帖]腾讯网友:
道德、法律不应混为一谈。
回复 支持(700)反对(27) 参与辩论(10)
来自:59.111.32.* 2008-06-10 13:53:40腾讯网友:
[本案现在影响危害更大!]
小女人和该公安局都犯了不计后果的严重错误!都该逮捕!!
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来自:北京市 2008-06-10 13:48:48苦咖啡 [等级一]:
不同意作者的观点。个人认为,该抓!
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来自:123.190.131.* 2008-06-10 13:48:18腾讯网友:
无论她在家里还是在家外,还是在自己的空间里,只要她做了危害社会的事,不道德的事,都应受到惩罚,骂天天惩,骂人人罚,法律是为道德护航的,我认为我国的法律在有些方面还欠缺,就应该把骂人者,割掉舌头。
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来自:59.111.32.* 2008-06-10 13:46:00腾讯网友:
内外一样美的女人!教育宽容才能社会和谐啊!!!
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来自:125.71.99.* 2008-06-10 13:39:26腾讯网友:
[情理就是法]
拘留它是有依据的,伤害全国人民的感情,侮辱灾区人民,判它50年也有依据,法不外乎情理,请那些装神弄鬼、哀叹中国无法治的假道学们搞清楚,法制的基本精神就是大众的感情和道德,没文化不是你们的错,没文化还要乱发帖子就是你们的错了
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来自:深圳市 2008-06-10 13:36:46腾讯网友:
[又一个为出名而显摆的人]
请问作者对法律又了解多少,不要显摆自己了.
愚蠢
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来自:成都市 2008-06-10 13:35:36无心 [等级一]:
敢问公安机关对这名女孩施以治安拘留3日的处罚,法律依据何在呢?
你懂不懂什么是“依照本法应当给予行政拘留处罚的,不执行行政拘留处罚”
我给你解释,不执行行政拘留并不是说不给予行政拘留处罚了,这句话的意思是如果行为人已满十六周岁未满十八周岁,初次违反治安管理处罚法,应当给予行政拘留处罚的,行政拘留处罚要给,只是不送到拘留所执行罢了。
… [查看全文]
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来自:222.210.180.* 2008-06-10 13:28:04风雨消歇 [等级一]:
拘留三天太少了!让她学会做人我觉得至少得一辈子
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来自:金华市 2008-06-10 13:26:17腾讯网友 [等级一]:
[依据]
于老大:你要依据么?这世界有多少事情是没有依据的?!这世界有多少事情是有依据的?!说的清或说不清重要与否本身就是个问题.所以不要用这个话题来哗众取宠、博取名利,大家都只是凭着一点血性、一点人性、一点品性说话办事就OK了!
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天涯浪子 [等级一]:
拘留3天不为过
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来自:景德镇市 2008-06-10 09:52:57腾讯网友:
执法者应依法办事,不能为所欲为,否则 被拘人有权提出申请国家赔偿,
回复 支持(3)反对(0) 查看回帖(0)
来自:天津市 2008-06-10 09:50:56腾讯网友:
教育的悲哀。在目前法律还不健全,人的道德水准还没有达到一定层次时候,非常时期就应如此对待,拘留的对。十七岁已不是孩子了,和那些救灾的解放军年龄差不多,她又在做什么!(可耻)战士们在用生命救人,可她在亵渎生命。作者先生你可能已为人父母,教育孩子是应该的,但要看多大的孩子,在灾区和这个女孩同龄的孩子有的在念书,有的已经担起了一个家的责任。在法律的案例中也有骂人致死的,难道骂人无罪吗?作为中国人作… [查看全文]
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来自:河北省 2008-06-10 09:47:10腾讯网友:
想当初,N多人辱骂河南人民,现在都颤抖了吧!个个拘你们三天!哼哼!
回复 支持(0)反对(0) 查看回帖(1)
来自:自贡市 2008-06-10 09:48:31腾讯网友:
[打个比方]
同样是贪污,为什么贪污救灾款会被处罚的更重。同样是骂人,为什么在这个时候辱骂灾区人民会被拘留的原因了。楼猪稍稍动动你的猪脑子就明白了。真希望中国少出现这样的楼猪。
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来自:福州市 2008-06-10 09:48:06孑立 [等级一]:
不给点教训以后不会明白的
让她长点见识
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来自:吉林市 2008-06-10 09:46:20管教员 [等级一]:
[不正常的人]
不正常的人无论何时何地都是存在的,不要大惊小怪。
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来自:长春市 2008-06-10 09:46:07腾讯网友:
[完善法律吧]
我们的国家需要彻底地完善法律制度,她毕竟是个未成年女孩,不满18,其行为没有犯法,应说服教育,她也是祖国的未来呀~
[引用] 117.23.96.* 的腾讯网友发表于 2008-06-09 08:49:45
四川发生大地震,牵动全中国人民的心,在这种情况下我们要团结要爱护自己的同胞,而不是吃里爬外,如果,你的家人失… [查看全文]
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来自:镇江市 2008-06-10 09:39:33腾讯网友:
作者太天真了,那些执法的人有几个守法的.我们国家的法律还要健全啊,有太多的人凌驾与法律之上啊
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来自:222.210.215.* 2008-06-10 09:37:30[热帖]大立广告制作 [等级一]:
我认为这不是一棍子打死,只不过是三天而已,作者也不至于就戴这么大顶帽子。我个人认为不能只是口头教育就能了事,我相信作者和我一样对法律都不精通,但事实上,她的言论是放在全世界都能看到的地方,她的言论是伤害到了所有善良人的心,他的言论已经从事实上造成了危害,不仅仅是一个“错”字就能敷衍的。对她的处罚是让她能明是非、知良耻,以后不能任性枉为。处罚力度也合适,不能太轻,仅口头教育不足以让其有切肤之痛… [查看全文]
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In China, the truth dukes it out with touching falsehoods

By David Bandurski — A lot has been written about China’s response to the May 12 earthquake as a test of the leadership’s commitment to openness. But the flood of quake-related news and information over the last few weeks has also tested the Chinese public’s commitment to the truth. [Frontpage Image: Screenshot of QQ.com coverage of policewoman Jiang Xiaojuan, one of several heroes of the Sichuan quake relief effort].
Chinese are increasingly savvy media consumers, and there is no doubting their growing appetite for information. It is probably safe to assume, too, that most Chinese share a basic expectation that the information they read is reliable. Don’t we all?
But when it comes to emotionally charged issues like the disastrous earthquake in Sichuan (or unrest in Tibet, or the Beijing Olympics), views about the relative importance of reliable information over more intangible things like national glory or motherly love can grow very contentious.
This became clear at QQ.com over the weekend, when a special topics page on the “tide of emotion” generated by one fake news story in particular drew hundreds of impassioned responses.
The fake story in question was about a mother who left an SMS text message for her baby as they were trapped in the rubble of the quake (“Sweet child, should you survive, you must remember that I love you.”) The widely discredited story first appeared in a Tianya chatroom and was subsequently reported by mainstream media without verification.

a-bit-of-fake-news.jpg

[Above: Screenshot of QQ.com feature page on the fake story that moved China to tears. The characters read: “A bit of fake news.”]

A number of the comments on the QQ feature page, clearly the minority, spoke out against fake news:

“As soon as I saw this I thought it was fake, because it was so much like a novel,” wrote a user from the city of Taiyuan. “We need news that is true.”
“News seeks the truth. Once news departs from the truth it loses all necessity. This information might be well-meant, but it reflects an awful trend toward exaggeration of the news,” said a user from Xi’an.

But the vast majority of respondents were indignant that QQ should turn the truth of this particular SMS message into an issue at all.

“There are always those few who just have to sing the opposite tune from the people, thinking this is the only way you can set yourself apart,” one user wrote, an apparent reference to the need to sing the party’s “main theme” (主旋律). “Get lost! Is there any point to you doing this!”
“Who can doubt a mother’s love,” wrote another Web user in a clearly emotional post trailed with a forest of exclamation points.
“It doesn’t matter whether this information is true or not. What matters is whether the feelings are true,” said yet another.

The problem of fake and exaggerated news underscores two important factors in Chinese society. The first is the legacy of state propaganda, which emphasizes emotion at the expense of reason; party leaders turn the public eye from critical issues of public interest with narratives of public, party, government and military heroism.
The second is growing commercialization, which has led media outfits to seek out stories that “attract eyeballs” but which is also plagued by lack of professionalism and, again, the legacy of state propaganda.
It is encouraging, however, that the question of fake versus factual news has become an important highlight of media coverage following the Sichuan quake.
Just two days after the quake, CMP noted an editorial by Tao Duanfang (陶短房) that urged media against the official news style, in which news stories focus narrowly on the deeds of government leaders:

At this time, of course people are willing to listen to this or that government office talking about what they have already or are planning to do for the disaster victims and the disaster area. But they want more to hear those affected speak for themselves and say what they need the world outside to do for them. At this time, the disaster area and the disaster victims are the only true main characters. Only by listening more to the voices of these characters, by looking at their images, can those of us thousands or tens of thousands of miles distant truly understand what we can do to help, and what we should do.

On May 15, CMP Director Qian Gang similarly emphasized the need to focus on facts and practical measures, and to tone down the party rhetoric:

Big words and empty speeches, gaudy, showy and useless old habits, documents that parade their achievements to those on top, posing and dramatizing for the camera lens . . . At this moment, let this all pass away! Science and expertise is what our brothers and sisters in need hope for most.

The debate has played out again and again in scores of editorials.
Just before the weekend, an editorial in the Yangtse Evening News voiced frustration and concern about the possible longer-term impacts of media exaggeration on public confidence.
The editorial, by Le Yi (乐毅), addressed another controversial bit of news, the story of Jiangyou City policewoman Jiang Xiaojuan (蒋晓娟), who is said to have breast-fed orphans of the Sichuan quake. Le’s editorial began:

At night, as I was watching a disaster relief benefit on television, the male anchor used the emotive strains of a poetic recitation as he introduced the story of the Jiangyou City policewoman Jiang Xiaojuan, who was charged with breast-feeding orphans in the Beichuan earthquake and has been called online the “most beautiful cop mom.” “She set her own six month-old son aside . . . ” [said the anchor] to raucous applause, and a flash of concern crossed my mind — are we going to create yet another “Liu Jigui”? Because I seem to remember that the earliest reports said that Jiang Xiaojuan put her son into the care of her relatives in the countryside, as the disaster situation was tense and she couldn’t shirk her responsibilities to the department. How is it that we now have her making such an unnatural action as “setting [her son] aside.”

The story of Liu Jigui, which the writer references above, was a bone of contention following the disastrous snowstorms that hit China earlier this year. After Liu, a simple farmer, helped 44 travelers stranded by the storms, state media painted him as a selfless hero and he made several very dramatized television appearances.
Le Yi continues, talking about the dangers of exaggerated and constantly embellished news:

Nevertheless, this sort of elevated reporting carries with it major risk. For one thing, if it is found that a report is manufactured, this can make people distrustful of all publicity-style reports, like the mouse that ruins the whole pot of soup. In addition, the unnatural details of these exaggerated reports can lead people to think something’s wrong.
When you put these two things together, they will often cause people to have serious feelings of doubt about the credibility of media, and this lack of confidence can ultimately lead them to lose confidence in the government. Just as in the recent scandal over the misuse of disaster relief tents, the local Youth League secretary in Mianzhu, Fan Xiaohua (范晓华), was verbally abused just because his name was similar to the ‘Fan Xiaohua’ (范小华) being tossed around in rumors. Even after the truth was out, many Web users stubbornly believed it was Fan Xiaohua who had maliciously misused tents and harmed others. Clearly, this lack of confidence owes in large part to the poor influence of this kind of Liu Jigui reporting style.
I sincerely hope that in reports about quake heroes after this disaster we can avoid the reappearance of “Liu Jigui.” Only truth can lead to confidence, and only confidence can make society full of strength.

[Posted by David Bandurski, June 9, 2008, 1:28am HK]
FURTHER READING:
For another great look at this issue, see Alice Poon’s translation of a Southern Weekend commentary by Xin Lijian.

June 2 — June 9, 2008

June 2 — China’s propaganda heavyweight, politburo member Li Changchun, visits the disaster area in Sichuan and meets with Chinese journalists. While Li’s words do not necessarily reflect a crackdown on media coverage of the Sichuan quake, they do mark a slight change in tone from his previous comments. He does not use the term “guidance,” or daoxiang (导向), but does use milder control terms like “emphasizing positive propaganda” (正面宣传为主) and “upholding unity, stability and encouragement” (坚持团结稳定鼓劲). [More coverage from CMP].
June 2 – Li Datong, former chief editor of Freezing Point, wrote in Hong Kong’s Ming Pao that “in any disaster, no matter if its causes are human or natural, the media must ask questions about causes and responsibility . . . Only in this way can we learn and benefit from disasters, plugging up loopholes, punishing neglect of duty and making our society safer.” Li criticized party and propaganda leaders for focusing too much earthquake coverage on emotion and heroism, and the benevolence of the government.
June 3 — CMP receives news from a reliable media source that Guangdong’s top leader, Wang Yang (汪洋), ordered the recall of Guangdong journalists from Sichuan after a meeting just before the weekend (of May 31) in which he expressed his dissatisfaction with critical coverage of the quake by Southern Metropolis Daily, Southern Metropolis Weekly and even the official Guangzhou Daily. [More coverage from CMP].
June 4 — It’s official. A comprehensive search of more than 200 mainland Chinese newspapers (June 1 through June 7) shows no coverage whatsoever of the anniversary of the crackdown on demonstrators in Beijing on June 4, 1989. A surprise to no one, of course. But we thought we would check anyway.

May 26 — June 1, 2008

May 28 – American actress Sharon Stone publicly apologized to China for comments she made from the red carpet to a reporter while attending the Cannes Film Festival on May 22. When asked about the situation in Tibet, Stone told the reporter: “I’m not happy about the way the Chinese are treating the Tibetans because I don’t think anyone should be unkind to anyone else. And the earthquake and all this stuff happened, and then I thought, is that karma? When you’re not nice that bad things happen to you.” Chinese web users responded with anger to the comments, partly due to clear mistranslations which had Stone saying “it IS karma” rather than begging the question, “Is that karma?” After the comments created a firestorm in China, Stone reportedly issued an apology on May 28 via the Shanghai office of Christian Dior (for which Stone is a celebrity spokeswoman), saying she was “deeply sorry and sad about hurting Chinese people.” This apology subsequently became the source of controversy, as Stone said the words did not represent her own position. The New York Times reported that Stone responded to a call from Dior CEO Sidney Toledano by saying: “I talked to Sidney and I said: ‘Let’s get serious here. You guys know me very well. I’m not going to apologize. I’m certainly not going to apologize for something that isn’t real and true — not for face creams.’ ” On June 4, Stone apologized a second time, saying to reporters: “Yes, I misspoke. I could not be more regretful of that mistake. It was unintentional. I apologise, those words were never meant to be hurtful to anyone. I am deeply saddened by the pain that this whole situation has caused the victims of the devastating earthquake in China.” News followed that Stone would not be on the invitation list to attend the upcoming Shanghai Film Festival.
May 29 — Chinese President Hu Jintao made his first formal statement on China’s media following the May 12 Sichuan earthquake. Hu Jintao essentially said that the Central Publicity Department would in future define public incidents, or gonggong shijian (公共事件), as natural disasters, production accidents (like mining disasters) and epidemic situations. At the very least, Hu said, reporters from China Central Television and Xinhua News Agency (at the very least) must be allowed to report from the scene. Summarizing disaster reporting in China over the last five years, Hu said:
1. Chinese media, particularly state media, must “keep a firm grasp” on initiative in reporting (报道的主动权). This means, essentially, that leaders have recognized the disadvantage of hitting hard with control initially, and then opening up only after pressure has been applied (by the public, by international media, etc.). SARS in 2003 was the perfect example of this, and Tibet arguably was too. By moving first (先发制人 for you Sun Tzu fans) with timely reporting, the government can, to a certain degree, control the direction of coverage more effectively.
2. China needs to raise the effectiveness of news, reporting at the first available moment
3. China needs to increase the transparency of news reporting, not covering up public incidents (公共事件)
4. China needs to utilize the strengths of all kinds of media, including the Internet and the mobile phone network
June 1 – Hong Kong newsmagazine Asia Weekly (亚洲周刊) argued that the May 12 Sichuan earthquake was the biggest moment focusing international attention on China since the 1989 student protests and subsequent crackdown in Beijing. China’s media coverage of the quake, the magazine said, was an important moment in China’s press history.

The Great Sichuan Earthquake and the Great Chicago Fire

By David Bandurski — There is now much less coverage in China’s traditional media of shoddy school construction and its devastating effects during the Sichuan quake. Media have, however, turned to more general coverage of a series of related issues, including inadequate government oversight of the construction industry (leading to the problem of “tofu construction”) and poor disaster preparedness. ” [Frontpage Image: John R. Chapin sketch of the Great Chicago Fire, from Harper’s Weekly, 1871.]
When open criticism of the powers is a sensitive matter, allegory can prove a powerful tool. And one of the most interesting pieces to appear today, a rehashing by the official China News Service of an article in Hong Kong’s Wen Hui Bao (文汇报), compares the May 12 Sichuan earthquake to the Great Chicago Fire of 1871.

chicago-fire-chapin-harpers-weekly.jpg

The implications of the passage below, which follows the article’s lead paragraph, can hardly be mistaken — that is, negligence in 1871, and negligence in 2008:

If Chicago had not had only 185 firefighters at the time, and only 17 fire engines, had its safety and warning system been more systematic and scientific, and had the government and city residents had a stronger sense of prevention, then the losses that year would have been much less significant. In the same way, if buildings in Sichuan, particularly school buildings in the disaster area, had been built with more care to quake resistance, and had city residents and students received better and more effective earthquake preparedness education, then the costs of the earthquake would have been much lower.

On the problem of poor-quality construction and its systemic causes, one of the best examples today comes from The Beijing News, which has a lengthy report on page B12 called, “Construction quality issues point to ‘unspoken rules’ in the industry.
The report outlines a series of problems and scenarios, using specific cases to illustrate each point. It begins:

For years now, construction quality has been a problem concerning both home buyers and industry experts. And although, according to this reporter’s investigation, few severe cases owing to problems with principal building structures have occurred in Beijing, bad plumbing, detached walls and other structural quality issues routinely crop up, so that instances of rights defense among homeowners have not slackened. In order to once again draw attention to the issue of construction quality, we hope to bring out the unspoken rules that exist in the construction industry by writing about how various quality issues emerge at various points in the real-estate development process, so that we can reflect on the abnormalities that still exist in the real-estate sector.

The report points out, for example, that there is an urgent need to strengthen government oversight of construction projects, and that the present inspection system lacks the proper personnel and resources. In addition, the deterrents to illegal behavior are not sufficient, according to industry insiders:

Only a small portion of developers who initiate projects against regulations act with impunity, but there are a large number of violators who approach the Commission of Urban Planning directly to ‘admit their errors’ (承认错误), and those who show sufficient remorse can fudge their way through by paying only a minimal fines and earn their check and acceptance permits (竣工验收表).
We can see from the disciplinary actions undertaken by the Municipal Commission of Urban Planning that fines are the most common form of disciplinary action. But fines are actually a limited deterrent for real-estate developers. Some industry insiders believe that in cases where developers defy regulations, hearings should be held, and other disciplinary measures should be considered in addition to fines, including return of the site to its original state, in order to exercise more pressure [on developers to comply].

For an interesting look at officially registered violations of construction code, readers might explore this portion of the Beijing Municipal Commission of Urban Planning website, which provides company names, registration numbers and specific code violations.
[Posted by David Bandurski, June 6, 2008, 6:15pm HK]

Politicians running the newspapers 政治家办报

“Politicians running the newspapers” is a phrase first raised by Mao Zedong in 1957, who said: “The writing of articles, and especially lead editorials (社论), must be responsible to the overall interests of the party, united closely with the political situation. This is what is meant by politicians running the newspapers.”
During the annual national meeting of propaganda ministers in early 1994, Ding Guangen (丁关根), head of China’s Central Publicity Department, said: “Our politics must be acute, our heads alert, our flag clear. The political and policy nature of ideological and political work is strong, and a number of problems are of an extremely sensitive nature. We must be careful to consider such problems from a political standpoint. We must be clear about what we promote, what we permit, what we oppose and what we limit.”
On Junuary 2, 1996, Jiang Zemin said on a visit to the Liberation Army Daily: “Mao Zedong once said that in doing media work we must ensure that the papers are run by politicians. This warning rings true even today.”
Terms of a similar vein including, “politicians running the wires” (newswires), and “politicians running the stations” (radio and television). After the war against the Falun Gong religious sect became a political obsession in 1999, party leaders also began talking about “politicians running the Websites.”

Guangdong journalists recalled from the earthquake zone

By David Bandurski — Reliable CMP sources report that Guangdong’s top official, Wang Yang (汪洋) , ordered the recall of Guangdong journalists from Sichuan after a meeting just before the weekend in which he expressed his dissatisfaction with critical coverage of the quake by Southern Metropolis Daily, Southern Metropolis Weekly and even the official Guangzhou Daily. [Frontpage Image: The cover of a recent issue of Southern Metropolis Weekly, dealing with the Sichuan earthquake.]
This rather unexpected recall of journalists should remind us of the chaos and complexity of China’s media environment.
CMP wrote yesterday about a number of indicators we can use to make educated guesses about the degree of media control or openness on Sichuan quake coverage. One of these was whether or not reporters from commercial media would be recalled from the scene, signaling a more general tightening. This would most likely occur, we thought, through a directive from the Central Publicity Department, with the result that media would be left to use official news releases from, or tonggao (通稿), from Xinhua News Agency.
But Wang Yang’s recall — we have yet to confirm that journalists from Guangdong have in fact left Sichuan — is a reminder of just how sensitive the idea of “cross-regional reporting,” or yidi jiandu (异地监督), has become in recent years in China.
Cross-regional reporting is a complex issue, but it essentially boils down to increasingly bold media, working in an increasingly competitive commercial environment, doing more critical or investigative reporting in someone else’s backyard.
So is Wang Yang offering a nod of respect to his beleaguered party buddies over in Sichuan, who face rising social pressure over, among other things, the issue of shoddy school construction? Is he calling off the watchdogs?
Another interesting point about Wang Yang’s decision is that it follows Hu Jintao’s April 29 statement concerning media, in which the president summarized China’s experience with disaster reporting over the last five years, saying:

1. Chinese media, particularly state media, must “keep a firm grasp” on initiative in reporting (报道的主动权). This means, essentially, that leaders have recognized the disadvantage of hitting hard with control initially, and then opening up only after pressure has been applied (by the public, by international media, etc.). SARS in 2003 was the perfect example of this, and Tibet arguably was too. By moving first (先发制人 for you Sun Tzu fans) with timely reporting, the government can, to a certain degree, control the direction of coverage more effectively.
2. China needs to raise the effectiveness of news, reporting at the first available moment
3. China needs to increase the transparency of news reporting, not covering up public incidents (公共事件)
4. China needs to utilize the strengths of all kinds of media, including the Internet and the mobile phone network

Hu Jintao essentially said that the Central Publicity Department would in future define public incidents, or gonggong shijian (公共事件), as natural disasters, production accidents (like mining disasters) and epidemic situations. In the future, reporters from China Central Television and Xinhua News Agency (at the very least) must be allowed to report from the scene.
When you take a historical view on Hu Jintao’s comments, they show a moderate openness. The flip side of that openness, however, is a much more nuanced approach to CONTROL.
As CMP director Qian Gang has noted again and again, the factors of control and change in China’s media have to be given at least equal consideration. For example, Hu Jintao mentions the use of the mobile network, a new media tool that has arguably been a force of change in recent years (as in the Xiamen PX case). But we cannot forget that the state still controls the mobile network, and that the leadership has actively explored new ways of using the network to shape public opinion.
This dynamic between control and change should persist for some time to come — and the result, the third of Qian’s “Three Cs,” is CHAOS.
And on that note, we share an in-depth news report from the June 2 edition of Sichuan Economic Daily, which should further confuse matters for the reader. The report revisits the problem of shoddy school construction, quoting students and teachers from the scene and offering their eyewitness accounts. This one is another gold star for the “openness” side of our media progress chart. But what an unlikely place to find it!
We don’t have time for translation at the moment, but we’ll try to get to it this afternoon.
We also point readers to Qian Gang’s blog at QQ.com, and an entry discussing the more sensitive aspects of earthquake prediction. The piece could not be printed as planned in a major mainland newspaper because, we are told, it “hit the red line” (碰了红线).
[Posted by David Bandurski, June 4, 2008, 2:27pm HK]

Politburo member Li Changchun wags his finger in the earthquake zone

By David Bandurski — China’s propaganda heavyweight, politburo member Li Changchun, is now visiting the disaster area in Sichuan and meeting with Chinese journalists. Does this signal a broad media crackdown? Not so fast. Yes, the Xinhua News Agency release on Li’s visit does suggest there’s some finger wagging going on here – as though Li is cautioning, “Easy, EASY.” But we should be careful not to read too much into his visit. [Homepage Image: Screenshot of coverage of Li Changchun visit at People.com.cn].
There are notable differences in terminology in this release when compared to news of Li Changchun’s CCTV visit over a week ago. We are not yet seeing the dreaded word “guidance,” or daoxiang (导向). But we are hearing new whistleblows from the referee, like “emphasizing positive propaganda” (正面宣传为主) and “upholding unity, stability and encouragement” (坚持团结稳定鼓劲).
These are important, and we should watch carefully how domestic coverage changes.
For example, there has been a noticeable shift in focus toward emotion, official action and hero worship since President Hu Jintao made his visit to Sichuan. And we know there have been directives limiting coverage of shoddy school construction, against direct criticism of the government’s handling of the relief effort, and against the question of early earthquake warning.
But we need to remember that we are not yet seeing reporters from commercial media recalled, and there is still at least moderate variety in coverage.
This existence of this or that directive does not tell the full story about control, or about the climate in which Chinese reporters are working. Here are some important points to be on the lookout for — indicators, if you will, of the degree of media openness.

1. Are reporters for non-party media (that is, commercial media) allowed to remain on the scene?
2. There has been a directive in force since early on against discussion of the question of earthquake prediction. To what degree has this been followed? For example, QQ.com has set up a special page on the topic, but this is more in the government’s favor, about how it is impossible to make accurate short-term predictions. The more sensitive issue is that of medium to longer term prediction, which might have prompted more attention to building codes, for example. There has been some coverage of this issue in the blogosphere, including by CMP director Qian Gang, but will we begin to see more?
3. The question of oversight of charitable donations. There don’t seem to be bans in force at the moment. But how much discussion can we see? Are there voices that discuss the institutional causes, the reasons and conflicts (内部). Will any investigative reports emerge?
4. Will media continue to report on the views, or even grievances, of ordinary people in the disaster area?
5. Limits on reporting of shoddy school construction are now reportedly in force. To what degree are media complying? What kind of reports or editorials do we see? This topic was in fact sensitive quite early on, so much so that Southern Metropolis Daily dared not address it in a main editorial, or shelun (社论). That didn’t mean, of course, that the topic was absent altogether.
6. To what extent will media talk about the role of NGOs in the relief effort? More particularly, will they discuss the role of religiously-based NGOs (Buddhist communities or Christian churches)?

Could an announcement or visit by Li Changchun potentially signal a change in media policy? Certainly. But let’s not assume that when Li Changchun wags a finger the sky comes crashing down.
[Posted by David Bandurski, June 3, 2008, 12:12pm HK]

MORE READING:
“Senior official Li Changchun visits journalists, victims in quake zone,” Xinhua News Agency, June 2, 2008
(This ENGLISH version of the report on the Xinhua News Agency website mentions nothing about the call to put the emphasis on “positive news.”)