Author: David Bandurski

Now Executive Director of the China Media Project, leading the project’s research and partnerships, David originally joined the project in Hong Kong in 2004. He is the author of Dragons in Diamond Village (Penguin), a book of reportage about urbanization and social activism in China, and co-editor of Investigative Journalism in China (HKU Press).

How do we make an assessment of Hu Jintao’s strength?

The last five years have marked the transition of power in China from Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao. One obvious question for pundits now is whether or not Hu has stepped out of his predecessor’s shadow. Has Hu’s power grown or diminished? And what do we make of Jiang Zemin’s influence now? At CMP we answer questions like these by tracking the movement of important political keywords.
In China all top leaders have their own sets of slogans, including core keywords. These slogans define leaders, identify their agendas and bolster their legacies. For top Chinese leaders, the creation of buzzwords is an act of crucial political brand-building. Here are three of China’s biggest leadership brands:

Deng Xiaoping: Deng Xiaoping Theory
Jiang Zemin: The Three Represents
Hu Jintao: Harmonious Society

flags-for-insight-track-3.JPG

By analyzing core keywords and how they play out in the Chinese media over time we get a fairly reliable indication of the relative strength of political brands – and this can tell us how leaders and/or their legacies are fairing.
Searching core leadership keywords in the WiseNews Chinese language database, which includes more than 300 Chinese newspapers, we come up with the following results (for the number of articles using a particular keyword over time):
battle-of-the-buzzwords-2.JPG

[Please CLICK on graph for a clearer image]

Deng Xiaoping Theory and the Three Represents are both relatively strong terms in the Chinese media. But right now Hu Jintao’s “Harmonious Society” has surpassed them both.
Another of Hu Jintao’s core keywords is “scientific view of development.” Under Hu’s leadership, the Central Party now operates with a slogan combining both buzzwords: “Developing in a scientific manner, building harmony together” (科学发展,共建和谐). Hu Jintao and his circle have branded this formulation as an “innovation of party theory” (党的创新理论).
During the 16th National Congress in 2002 Jiang Zemin’s core keyword, “Three Represents,” was written into the Party Constitution. A key question as we approach the 17th Congress is whether or not any of Hu’s signature phrases – “innovative party theory,” “scientific development view” or “harmonious society” – will make it into the Party Constitution.
In March this year, an article by scholar Dong Degang (董德刚) in the official journal Scientific Socialism (科学社会主义) offered a glimpse of the debate over political legacies and amendment of the Party Consitution. Dong’s article said a number of cadres, “including high-level officials and old comrades”, were wary of attempts to modify the party’s constitution at each CCP session, and urged a cautious approach to adding President Hu’s theories to the document. [Click HERE for CMP coverage]. [Click HERE for Chinese coverage]. “We need to be careful,” wrote Dong, “about building [theoretical] systems too quickly and too excessively” (要警惕过急、过高、过分追求体系化的倾向).
Dong’s views, so openly expressed, make it clear that while Hu Jintao has power over major issues in China, he is by no means a paramount leader who can accomplish his objectives with a wave of his wand. As China transitions further toward a post-totalitarian society (后极权社会), we can expect to see the power of its top leaders continue to weaken.
(Qian Gang, September 17, 2007)
[Translated by David Bandurski]

September 10 — September 16, 2007

September 11 — CCTV reporter Liu Yuchen was allegedly attacked by guards at Xi’an International Studies University while working on a story. [Reports translated at ESWN].
September 12 — The China Media Project launched “The Insight Track”, a series of columns by vetern journalist and CMP co-director Qian Gang on the 17th National Congress. The first article in the series was “What do we make of Hu Jintao’s rumored successor Li Keqiang?

Power factions, "princelings" and political pasts

Whenever party congresses roll around, pundits focus on the background of key officials and their connections to power centers inside the CCP. Potential picks to enter the succession group are often dissected in terms of the “Youth League faction” and the “princelings” — what we call in Chinese the tuanpai (团派) and the taizidang (太子党).
On the surface, it seems to make sense to label Chinese leaders along these lines.
For example, a good number of provincial and ministerial-level leaders have had prior positions with the Communist Youth League at either the central or provincial level. These include: Li Keqiang (李克强), Liu Yandong (刘延东), Li Yuanchao (李源潮), Ling Jihuai (令计划), Zhang Baoshun (张宝顺), Liu Qibao (刘奇葆), Qian Yunlu (钱运录), Zhou Qiang (周强), Huang Huahua (黄华华), Qiang Wei (强卫), Yu Youjun (于幼军), and Meng Xuenong (孟学农).
Pundits have referred to the above-listed leaders as the “Youth League faction.”
Other leaders, from top CCP families — including Zeng Qinghong (曾庆红), Yu Zhengsheng (俞正声), Bo Xilai (薄熙来), Wang Qishan (王岐山), Xi Jinping (习近平), and Bai Keming (白克明) — have sometimes been lumped together as “princelings.”
Among the names I have listed, some are sure to enter the succession teams during either the 17th or the 18th Party Congresses. So it’s no surprise journalists and commentators are rushing to guess how these “princelings” or supposed “Youth League faction” members figure in the big picture.
But compartmentalizing China’s leaders can be misleading. Using this simple framework to look at politics in China will yield warped results.
The term “Youth League faction” was already in use by the 1980s. Hu Yaobang, who had served as first secretary of the Chinese Communist Youth League, elevated Hu Qili (胡启立), Xiang Nan (项南) and other youth league members to key positions, giving rise to the term. But a closer look at politics in China at that time suggests this “faction” did not really exist.
Take, for example, former politburo standing committee member Li Ruihuan (李瑞环). While Li once held an important position with the youth league, it would have been wrong to associate him with the so-called “Youth League group.” Then there is Wang Zhaoguo (王兆国), who served formerly as first secretary of the youth league. No one associates Wang with the “Youth League faction.”
Even though he grew up within the Communist Youth League, Shanghai Mayor Han Zheng (韩正) is generally regarded as a member of the “Shanghai faction.”
Is Liu Yandong youth league, or is she a “princeling.” She has a deep history with the youth league. But she is also the daughter of Liu Ruilong (刘瑞龙), a high-ranking People’s Liberation Army general.
Then there is Wang Yang (汪洋), party secretary of Chongqing. Wang is an up and coming young official associated with neither the “Youth League faction” nor the “princelings.”
Summing up, speculation concerning backgrounds and factions is a worthy exercise, but it is not by any means a reliable ruler with which to measure China’s complicated political scene.
(Qian Gang, September 14, 2007)
[Translated by David Bandurski]
[ABOUT THE COMMUNIST YOUTH LEAGUE]
The Chinese Communist Youth League (中国共产主义青年团) — in short, gong qing tuan (共青团) — is generally recognized as an organization separate from the CCP and playing a supporting role (后备力量) [Click HERE for more information on the organization in Chinese].
The organizational structure of the youth league mirrors that of the CCP in consisting of a central committee (中央委员会), central secretariat (中央书记处), central propaganda department (中央宣传部) and central organizing department (中央组织部). The league’s International Liaison Department (国际联络部) handles its international initiatives.
While the Communist Youth League is firmly controlled by the CCP, the organization has been fairly active in its own respect since the PRC’s founding. In the 1950s, the league’s newspaper, China Youth Daily, was home to a number of more free thinking journalists, including Liu Binyan (who was later branded a Rightist).
As economic reforms took root in the 1980s, the youth league mustered together yet another group of more open thinkers, and China Youth Daily became an important staging ground in the reform effort.
Following the violent crackdown on June 4, 1989,China Youth Daily was brought to heel. But the paper’s independent streak re-emerged in 1995 with the launch of the Freezing Point (冰点) supplement. The purge of top editors at Freezing Point in 2006 was an attempt by the Central Propaganda Department and top officials in the Communist Youth League to keep the supplement’s influence in check.
The Communist Youth League is also an important testing ground for officials. Former Chinese foreign minister Wu Xueqian (吴学谦) served earlier on as head of the league’s International Liaison Department. Liu Binjie (柳斌杰), current director of the General Administration of Press and Publications (GAPP), served formerly as head of the youth league’s central propaganda department. Liu Peng (刘鹏), current executive chairman of the Beijing Olympic Committee, served earlier on as head of the league’s secretariat.
[ADDITIONAL ENGLISH LINKS]
A Bolder Hu Tests Power at China Communist Congress, Reuters, September 5, 2007
Hatchet man to henchman, China’s Zeng bends to times
, Reuters, September 5, 2007
CMP Tip Sheet
Here are some questions to ask:
1. Has there been any change in power for the Communist Youth League network (Liu Yandong, Li Yuanchao, etc.)?
2. Has there been any change in power for the so-called “princelings”? (Yu Zhengsheng, Bo Xilai, Wang Qishan, Xi Jinping, etc.)?
3. What is the current standing of the original Jiang Zemin system (Zeng Qinghong, Zhang Dejiang)?

What do we make of Hu Jintao's rumored successor Li Keqiang?

There has been a great deal of speculation in media outside China lately that Li Keqiang (李克强), who is currently serving as party secretary in the northern province of Liaoning, will be pegged as Hu Jintao’s successor, or “crown prince” at the upcoming 17th National Congress. Without a doubt, Li Keqiang is one of the key figures to watch over the next few weeks. But as a note of caution, it would be careless to focus one’s attention entirely on Li. First, a bit of background. [Photo of Li Keqiang, from China.org.cn]

li-new-pic.JPG

[Li Keqiang is featured on the front page of Henan’s Dahe Daily after taking a tour of the site of a mining disaster]

The so-called “crown prince”, or top leader, was simply referred to as the successor, or jiebanren, during the Mao Zedong era. After the Chinese Communist Party came to power in 1949, Mao Zedong was both chairman of the party and the country’s top leader. Ten years later, in 1959, Mao relinquished his title as chairman of the People Republic and was succeeded by Liu Shaoqi (刘少奇). Liu Shaoqi’s vice-chairmanship was generally understood to be his successor.
The onset of the Cultural Revolution in 1966 brought the ouster of Liu Shaoqi. Lin Biao (林彪) became Mao’s designated successor, an arrangement formalized with an amendment to the Party Constitution.
When Wang Hongwen became vice-chairman at the 10th National Congress in 1973, it seemed certain he would become the successor, but Mao instead entrusted matters on the front line to Deng Xiaoping . Deng Xiaoping was later ousted amidst opposition from the Gang of Four, so that Hua Guofeng emerged for a time as Mao’s anointed successor.
After the onset of economic reforms, championed by Deng Xiaoping who had outmaneuvered and ousted Hua Guofeng by 1981, Hu Yaobang (胡耀邦) and Zhao Ziyang (赵紫阳) served in succession as China’s top leaders. But Deng Xiaoping remained in control. Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang were still mere “successors,” and jiebanren. Eventually, both Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang were forced to resign (January 1987 and June 1989 respectively), and Jiang Zemin became Deng Xiaoping’s successor.
What lessons does this messy process have for next month’s congress?
People now believe Hu Jintao has selected Li Keqiang as his successor, that Li will be elevated to the inner circle, serving as a member of the politburo standing committee and as vice-chairman of the PRC. He will have the important task of handling appointments within the party, and will perhaps serve concurrently as head of the Central Party School.
With all the speculation flying in his favor, would we really be ill-advised to place our bets on Li Keqiang? Yes. For the simple reason that Hu Jintao is not Deng Xiaoping.
Deng Xiaoping was a formidable leader with a virtually unassailable position — a qiang ren, as we say in Chinese). Hu Jintao is, by contrast, is a chang ren, an “ordinary leader”. In China, the politics of the powerful, or qiang ren zhengzhi (强人政治), have already given way to the politics of ordinary players, chang ren zhengzhi (常人政治). Top leaders in China today do not have sufficient power to designate their own successors. In the next generation of top leaders, the force of the individual politician will further weaken, and in its place will come more collective leadership.
Given this changing political climate, we must look more broadly at whole “succession groups.”, rather than focus narrowly on possible “successors,”  We must look, for example, at the possible configuration of the entire inner circle for the 18th National Congress five years down the road. Li Keqiang will of course be one of these leaders, so it is important to watch him closely.
(Qian Gang, September 12, 2007)
[Translated by David Bandurski]
[ADDITIONAL ENGLISH LINKS]
Hong Kong’s Ming Pao reports on Li Keqiang and succession teams, September 19, 2007
Li Keqiang in Who’s Who in China’s Leadership, China.org.cn
Li Keqiang bio at ChinaVitae
The Next Hu?, Newsweek International, December 25, 2006
Tiananmen, 15 Years On: Where Are Some of the Most Wanted Participants Today?“, Human Rights Watch, 2004
The Party Congress Peg, China Digital Times, July 20, 2007Li Keqiang elected Party chief of NE China’s Liaoning Province, People’s Daily Online, October 27, 2006
Beijing prepares for battle“, Newsweek‘s The Bulletin, October 3, 2006
CMP Tip Sheet
Some things to take particular note of regarding Li Keqiang:
*The assessment made of Li Keqiang by his former Peking University classmate Wang Juntao , a political activist. [Link to Wang quote here].
*As an interesting detail, many within China’s media have a favorable impression of Li Keqiang. One veteran journalist at China Youth Daily recalls that Li was pretty familiar with journalists at the paper, and when the reporter in question attended a meeting in Henan Province, then-governor Li Keqiang went right up to him and greeted him warmly.

September 3 — September 9, 2007

September 3 — China’s emergency law quietly took the stage more than a year after the law’s first draft drew sharp criticism from domestic media. Some journalists and scholars in China saw the revised law, which unlike the draft had no mention of penalties for media “making bold” to report in violation of local governments, as a small victory for media. [More coverage from CMP].
September 4 — Web portal QQ.com continued its newfound tradition of comprehensive feature pages (“dashboards”) with a special report on the problem of fake reporters in China [More coverage from CMP]. The page included a recent story called “The Most Awesome Fake Reporter in History” [translated at ESWN].
September 7 — In a report that shows so-called “supervision by public opinion”, or Chinese “watchdog journalism”, is alive if not necessarily well, The Beijing News reported on the over-charging of toll fees to truck drivers in Shanxi Province, involving collusion between police, transportation officials and owner of truck fleets [YWeekend interview with reporter translated at ESWN]. The case is vaguely reminiscent of investigative reporter Wang Keqin’s expose on the Beijing taxi industry back in 2002 [See case from CMP here].

Introducing "The Insight Track", a series on the 17th Party Congress by veteran journalist Qian Gang

Beginning Wednesday, September 12, the China Media Project will run a series of articles by CMP director and former Southern Weekend managing editor Qian Gang. The series, “The Insight Track: 17th Party Congress”, will reflect on a range of issues key to coverage of the upcoming congress, from power cliques and key political personalities to valuable sources and analysis of party reports past. Stay tuned!

QQ runs interactive feature page on the problem of "fake reporters" in China

Sure, there are four months left on the calendar. But it’s probably not premature to declare 2007 the “Year of the Fakes” in China – not least in Chinese journalism. The year kicked off with the tragic beating death of “fake journalist” (假记者) Lan Chengzhang. Unflagging cases of “fake news” culminated in June with the infamous cardboard bun hoax. Most recently, a regional Chinese newspaper was awarded a top photojournalism prize for a feature page that never was. And behind all of this looms a control system geared toward public opinion “guidance” that is itself a most insidious form of state-sponsored fakery.
It’s only appropriate, then, that the editors at popular web portal QQ.com should apply their skills this week to a special section devoted to fake journalists, gathering together all major related news in the last two years.

qq-journalists-feature.jpg

As CMP noted with QQ’s recent Jinan flood page, the layout is innovative, incorporating a variety of news reports (about news extortion cases, the nature of press cards, etc.), photos and online forums.
The most recent story, run across the top of the feature page, is about the arrest of nine “fake reporters” in Shanxi Province on August 28, which followed a separate sting on August 4 bringing in 19 “fake reporters.”
Another major story featured on the page is the corruption case of Meng Huaihu (孟怀虎), former Zhejiang bureau chief for China Commercial Times. A sidebar shows an image of Meng’s extravagant home in Zhejiang.
Once again, though, it is the opportunity for reader participation that makes the page most interesting. Web users, for example, can participate in QQ’s online survey by ticking their preferred answers to questions like the following:

[Why do you think there is an inundation of fake reporters?]
*Because real reporters have special privileges
*Because mine owners and government offices have shortcomings and bend easily
*The root of the problem is the fact that the media are half official and half commercial
*Because management is too lax, and some journalists have poor morals

CMP would have ticked the third box, and gives kudos to QQ for opening, even if just a crack, the door to the root cause of bad journalism in China.
And of course web users could click the “participate in the discussion” link from any portion of the feature page, joining in on the comments forum. The limited sample of comments, or gentie, available (close to 300 by Tuesday morning) suggests a profession facing a crisis of public confidence. Here are just a few:

It’s already become impossible to apply ordinary logic to this society of ours. If a small-time thief steals a few thousand yuan from a corrupt official he’s beaten within and inch of his life, but you tell me, who is the real crook here? Basically, the whole society is rotten already, so what good is it talking about those little problems on the branches and leaves?
——-
There’s no such thing as true news here in China. There are many things the state controls and doesn’t let the people know about, so press cards are issued by the state. If they were given out to the public, the state is afraid people will say whatever they want. So if you watch the news in China, you’d better approach it as entertainment.
——
How much of the news right now is real? Real journalists, fake journalists, they’re all tarred with the same brush!
——-
Say it, can you possibly ferret out how much money these newspaper groups make behind the scenes!!!!!! Journalists get money when they report good stuff, and its only when they don’t get payoffs that they report bad stuff … There aren’t many journalists with a good conscience!!!!!! It’s a problem with the system (是体制问题啊)!!!!!!
——-
The journalists working for this website [QQ] are pretty good! I feel like aside from stuff on the web that’s worth looking at, there’s really not much else.
——-
Right now journalists are the blackest of the black.
——-
We should recognize that most journalists are of good quality and good conscience, and it’s only the bad behavior of a few that’s damaged the image of everyone. It’s terrible!
——-
Why are officials afraid of journalists? Why are corporate bosses afraid of journalists? Because they’re afraid their crimes will be exposed!

[Posted by David Bandurski, September 4, 2007, 1:17pm]

China's emergency response law quietly takes the stage, targets "fake information"

When China’s new emergency response law was announced last week it was overshadowed in both the foreign and domestic press by the new anti-monopoly law [Daily Telegraph, AFP, AP]. The former law, modified amidst a wave of criticism of its first draft more than a year ago, was nevertheless – even if not headline news — a modest victory for more independent-minded elements in China’s media. Gone was the threat of penalties for media “making bold” to report in violation of local governments – which held the danger of prior censorship. In its stead was language about how media would be punished (after the fact) in cases where “fake information” (虚假信息) was disseminated, particularly where the social consequences were deemed severe (严重后果).
On the plane of language, this is progress. On the plane of practice, there are major lingering questions about 1) how authorities will apply their definition of “fake information,” and 2) how they will determine “severe consequences.”
There was only a whisper of celebration in the Chinese media, most of it from official sources. “It seems the positive role played by the media has been fully recognized judging from the formal version of the law as passed,” said one legal expert quoted anonymously by Xinhua News Agency in articles appearing in a handful of newspapers.
There was not even veiled criticism in the media of the final language, suggesting perhaps that media felt they would be pushing their luck to nitpick what had now become law.
As the emergency response law quietly took the stage, however, Guangzhou’s Yangcheng Evening News reported on new local rules (责任状) with some of the vim and vigor that marked the original controversy over the draft emergency response law.
On August 30 provincial and city officials in Guangdong issued a so-called responsibility contract (责任) with the aim of dealing more effectively with fire-related emergencies (all-too-common in Guangdong’s crowded urban areas).
The contract specified, according to the Yangcheng Evening News, that local governments in Guangdong “organize objective and accurate reporting by media, correctly grasping public opinion guidance.”
This heavy-handed rendering of the government’s role in “guiding” the media prompted the Yangcheng Evening News to ask — in an argument familiar to anyone who followed the draft emergency law controversy — whether officials weren’t contravening their own stated objectives:

Don’t get me wrong, issuing timely notifications and official news releases on fire disasters is clearly a necessary part of information transparency, and this helps educate and warn the public … The problem in dealing with major fires is that some people have grown accustomed to seeing these as “negative.” Behind such accidents can linger information about misconduct, negligence, corruption, inadequate administration or protection of one’s own interests in violation of laws and regulations, some of it criminal. There are people who use various means to shield or cover up the truth in order to protect the interests and positions of various government officials. This has already become common practice. The policy has become: “Put off fires, put off crime, put off journalists.”

Aside from this, the so-called “organization” of media to carry out reports might make it more convenient for media to access information, but it might also made them more subject to the control and supervision of the organizer. This is like a number of local regulations we’ve seen specifying that journalists, when they go out to report, must “be accompanied” by personnel from the local propaganda office. This “accompanied reporting” has been euphemistically referred to as “assistance.” But there are times (as when major negative information is involved) when this stipulation amounts to censorship and control of the journalist’s reporting activities, so that it becomes difficult for the journalist to get at the truth.

[Posted by David Bandurski, 1:17pm, September 3, 2007]

August 27 — September 2, 2007

August 29 — In a humiliating gaffe for Chinese officials who have lately shifted their campaign against fakes (including fake news) into high gear, the official Yangzhou Evening News was awarded one of the Chinese journalism’s highest national awards for a newspaper page that never existed. [More from ESWN].
August 30 — China’s emergency response law was formally passed more than a year after the first draft sparked a controversy over a clause threatening to fine media that “made bold” to report against government regulations. Some within the Chinese media saw the passing of the law without the media clause as a victory. The Paris-based Reporters Without Borders condemned the law on August 31, referring to it as a “law censoring disaster coverage”. [See CMP analysis here].

China's domestic media on the crisis of confidence in "Made in China"

As China’s leaders go into repair mode following the recent spate of international news about Chinese product quality and food safety problems, domestic media must report on the issue only with extreme caution. With few exceptions, the story is about a foreign assault on the “Made in China” trademark and effective official measures to deal with concerns. [Homepage Photo: Chinese scholar Chen Jitong, who wrote in the late nineteenth century of the great reputation Chinese had among foreign traders, see article below.]
The official line was made clear again today in a report in the official People’s Daily praising China’s handling in recent weeks of a series of breaking news events and saying actions in response had shown “transparency, efficiency and cooperation.” The article said governments at various bureaucratic levels were “moving toward maturity” in their handling of such emergencies. Most of the examples in the People’s Daily article dealt with handling of the “spreading of rumors” and “falsehoods.” Labeling foreign news reports on Chinese product safety issues “false,” the article showered praise on party leaders for their “strong counterattack”:

On August 17, the Information Office of the State Council released a 16,000-word white paper called “The State of Chinese Food Product Safety and Quality”. The paper comprehensively introduced a general survey of food product manufacture and safety, the system and execution of food safety inspection, inspection of food imports and exports, laws and regulations on food safety … and the state of international cooperation and dialogue on food safety.
Experts have said that this is a successful case study in “crisis management” (危机公关). A number of foreign media have lately come out with false reports on China’s product quality and food safety problems, casting a shadow over the “Made in China” label. The release of the white paper was a strong counterattack.

Coverage in the overseas edition of People’s Daily similarly praised actions by China’s leadership and criticized “exaggeration” of product quality and food safety problems in the foreign press:

“I believe we can say three things. The first is that Chinese product quality has seen major progress in the last few years – this is the key point to the issue. Secondly, China’s government and Chinese enterprises have attached great importance to recent product safety problems, and they have at the same time made earnest corrections. The third thing is that we oppose the exaggeration and playing up of problem products. We oppose the untrue and exaggerated propaganda and reports undertaken by a few trade protectionists behind the scene who seek to fan up sentiments [against China].”
As head of the agency charged with management of imports and exports, Commercial Bureau Chief Bo Xilai (薄熙来) gave an exclusive interview with China Central Television’s economic channel. Bo Xilai answered head on questions about ‘Made in China’ and Chinese product quality. He affirmed that the reputation of Chinese products on the world market would only grow better and better.

An editorial in yesterday’s China Business Times similarly characterized China’s product safety crisis in warlike terms, as a “siege” on “Made in China”:

There has lately been a spate of incidents in which the West “lays siege” to products made in China. In one case after another “Made in China” products have been exposed as having quality and safety problems, from toothpaste to marine products to food products and toys and cars and tires. Some have said this is the result of many years of rapid export growth emphasizing low prices over quality. But clearly … some Western media have made a conscious effort to blow up the situation, and this is basically a smear on the “Made in China” label.

But the editorial does manage, just barely, to turn from nationalist blameshifting and find a less shallow lesson:

For private enterprises in China, this should be seen as an important opportunity to raise production quality and make an all-round entry into the international market … raising the technological content and innovativeness of products, raising the degree of proprietary products. Taking a longer view of our interests, the more we can raise the added value of “Made in China” products, the more competitive “Made in China” [products] will be on the international market.

For variety of coverage – and there isn’t a great deal – one has to turn, as usual, to the better commercial newspapers. The examples yesterday came again from Southern Metropolis Daily.
One reader’s letter, appearing with other editorials on Page Two, chastised the West over the recent product safety row. But the tone was a personal one, the voice of a single Chinese citizen, stripped of the boilerplate partisan outrage:

My hometown makes a certain kind of dried fruit, well known throughout the world. But or a long time it has only been supplied for export, so that ordinary Chinese have no way of enjoying it. Even if they want to buy it they can’t.
In order to earn foreign exchange, everything good has been given to foreigners. . . . As for the quality of those toys exported to America. Whether or not these toys actually have quality issues, Chinese children by and large have no hope of playing with them.

A separate editorial in SMD takes a more scholarly approach to the issue of Chinese product quality. It asks not just how the present “Made in China” crisis arose, but draws out the deeper question of how China came in today’s world to be synonymous with fakery.
In China, the inland province of Henan is the constant butt of domestic humor. The first paragraph of the editorial ends with the wonderful line: “The people of Henan are the Chinese in miniature. We are all Henanese”:

In China, people from Henan Province have become symbols of all things fake. And now, in the Western world, China has come to symbolize fake products, to the extent that one European has even registered a “not made in China” trademark. China’s image internationally is not unlike the image we have domestically of Henanese. Just as we joke about the Henanese, foreigners now discriminate against us.

The author turns to the writings of late Qing Dynasty author Chen Jitong (陈季同), who wrote in the late nineteenth century that Chinese were known for their honesty and integrity in trade, that even Westerners talked of the “total honesty with which commercial transactions were carried out” by Chinese. “We can’t suppress a feeling of disbelief,” the editorial writer continues. “How is it that in 100 years the Chinese, so resolute in their honesty, have become the very image of fakery in the eyes of Westerners?”
The blame is not shifted to the West, however. After a brief social and cultural review of China, the author sums up by suggesting institutions ultimately have a more decisive impact on behavior [honest or dishonest] than such factors as “national character”:

All of this shows that circumstances are stronger than people. Present environmental factors are more important than long-standing traditional influences. And hard institutional factors are more critical than cultural factors … So-called national character, or social ethos, these are not preserved unchanged, but sometimes change fickly to suit opportunity.

The point is subtle, but clear enough – more effective institutions are the key to ensuring better product quality and safety.
The editorial concludes with a reference to late nineteenth century Germany, whose manufacturing sector, the author says, faced its own crisis of reputation and eventually launched a successful campaign to build “Made in Germany” into a respected trademark:

Will there be a day when “Made in China” rises like a phoenix from the ashes just as “Made in Germany” did?

[Posted by David Bandurski, August 31, 2007]