Author: David Bandurski

Now Executive Director of the China Media Project, leading the project’s research and partnerships, David originally joined the project in Hong Kong in 2004. He is the author of Dragons in Diamond Village (Penguin), a book of reportage about urbanization and social activism in China, and co-editor of Investigative Journalism in China (HKU Press).

Chinese media and Web users discuss the winners and losers following demolition of China’s “toughest nail house”

Just after 7pm Monday, crews went to work destroying China’s “toughest nail house”, an isolated Chongqing residence where homeowners had vowed for days to fight for their rights and stand up to property developers [Chinese coverage]. As demolition work began, the homeowners reportedly reached a relocation agreement with city authorities. Yesterday, Chinese news media and Internet users turned to post-game analysis of the winners and losers in the standoff over the “nail house” and property rights in China — and the count was by no means unanimous. [BELOW: Screenshot of “nail house” special feature page at QQ.com.][“Nail house” destruction photos via ESWN].

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Southern Metropolis Daily, generally home to China’s most outspoken lead editorials (社论), those representing the views of the newspaper, was silent on the “nail house” demolition yesterday, a sign, perhaps, that the outcome was not particularly to the liking of editors there, who might have opted for a more symbolic ending (preservation of a “nail house” monument perhaps?). The newspaper did, however, include a piece by editorial writer and former CMP fellow Yan Lieshan, in which he said he “more or less” agreed with the view that the “nail house” affair was a “major symbolic event following on the heals of the property law”.
“It has already caused people to look carefully and think about relevant laws and regulations, and at the same time has become a living case study in how people should approach the lines between ‘public interest’ and private property, and how they should balance the interest demands of various sides,” Yan Lieshan wrote. “In being managed properly, this provides a good classroom lesson in reaching social consensus.”
In another sign of the growing reverberations between the Web and traditional media in China — a converging of the two opinion environments — Yan Lieshan drew from the comments of one Web user to make a veiled contrast of the “nail house” affair and the crackdown on democracy demonstrations on June 4, 1989: “One week ago, a bold and well-known netizen said to me that she worried that this [“nail house”] affair would snowball into a tragedy in which all sides lost, ‘a replay of the situation back in those years.’ I knew what she was making reference to. At the time, I was rather optimistic, believing that the Chongqing authorities would not lightly resort to strongarm tactics, and that the developer, who had ‘tolerated’ [the situation] for over two years, would not play the bully …”
Yan also offered a passing criticism of foreign media and what he seemed to perceive as their appetite for the story that bleeds. If the “nail house” owners had continued to resist a resolution, he said, if “the Yangs had let emotions run hot, if they had refused to compromise and things led to tragedy, those foreign media who had incited them would not take on any responsibility whatsoever, but in a few days would move on to other news topics like mosquitoes in search of fresh blood.”
An editorial by Yang Zhizhu (杨支柱), an assistant professor at the China Youth University for Political Sciences, argued in Guangzhou’s New Express [article here] that the agreement reached Monday was the “best possible ‘win-win’ situation” for all parties involved. But the editorial stressed that this “win-win” scenario disguised a widespread “relative injustice” (相对不公), namely that the compensation given to other homeowners at the Chongqing development site was unfair, and that by extension the compensation generally given to evicted homeowners across China was inadequate. “It was precisely the universality across the country of this brutal eviction and demolition, of insufficient or delayed compensation, that generated such sympathy and support for the ‘toughest nail house'”, Yang wrote.
Writing for Hangzhou’s Metro Express (都市快报), Xu Xunlei (徐迅雷) said he was “extremely happy” to hear news of the agreement settling the “nail house” affair. “Like the people, we truly don’t wish to see a forced eviction in the face of failure to reach compromise or a peaceful agreement, much less a case of bloodshed,” Xu wrote. “At this time, no matter what the case, we should express our respect for the developer, for the Chongqing government and the courts, and for the media who consistently reported on the affair …”
Internet comments multiplied rapidly yesterday following news of the “nail house” compromise. Many Web users took issue with the suggestion in traditional media that the outcome had been a win-win situation for all sides. But postings were mostly invisible today, suggesting Web portals were being told to keep the topic cool.
“It seems many Websites aren’t allowed to speak [about this] right now? What’s going on? Everything is editorializing about the government’s side,” said one of a handful of responses visible on a Chinese bbs today. “The Chongqing nail house affair underscores how weak and ineffectual the government is,” said the only other remaining post.
As postings on the Web disappeared, perhaps the most enduring legacy left by Internet users was an ironic shift in Chinese semantics. The word “harmonious”, of Hu Jintao’s “harmonious society”, has now yielded a new popular meaning on the Web and in private conversation — “to be harmonized” (被和谐) denotes suppression and containment, so that one, for example, can be “harmonized by the authorities” (被政府和谐). Silenced and resolved.
[Posted by David Bandurski, April 4, 2007, 9:47am]

Chinese blogger “Zola” reports from the scene on Chongqing’s “nail house”

March 30 — Before and since The New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof declared in May 2005 that Chinese leaders were “digging the Communist Party’s grave, by giving the Chinese people broadband”, the debate has continued over the possible political impact of the Web in China. Today, Guangdong’s Southern Metropolis Daily offered a profile of “Zola”, a young blogger from Hunan province who seems determined to score a point for new media — and make himself famous in the process. [BELOW: Screenshot fron Zola’s Weblog, with the English tagline, “You never know what you can do till you try”.] [PDF: Southern Metropolis Daily Internet page with story on Zola, in photograph with “nail house” owner Wu Ping].

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“Zola” has been on the scene in the city of Chongqing reporting on the “toughest nail house” since March 28 for his own personal Weblog. His dispatches have included his observations, photographs and interviews with locals. Click here to link to photos of Zola on the scene in Chongqing. The Southern Metropolis Daily article follows:
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Chinese bloggers also report the story of the ‘toughest nail house’
March 30, 2007
Southern Metropolis Daily
That photograph distributed on the Web [of the “nail house”] has already become a news event in and of itself. Many journalists have headed for Chongqing. But this time, aside from traditional media, we now have a new kind of reporting form — the blog.
On March 28, the same day that The New York Times offered its second consecutive day of coverage of the “nail house” story, blogger Zhou Shuguang (周曙光) also arrived in Chongqing.
The vegetable-selling blogger
This Hunan youth who has long toyed around on the Web, and while he was invited in November 2005 to take part in an annual Chinese Internet conference for blog essays that showed a unique character, he is not well established on the Web. Clearly, he wants to make a bigger name for himself. He wrote on his personal blog: “Driven by my sensitivity to news and my designs to become famous overnight, on Monday afternoon, after attending my friend Xiong’s wedding feast, I traveled to Loudi City and from there caught the A73 train to Guiyang. I transferred trains at Guiyang, taking the 5608 to Chongqing. In the early morning hours of Wednesday [March 28] I finally rolled into Chongqing like a crazy stone, ready to use my personal blog to report on the “nail house incident” in Yangjiaping in Chongqing’s Jiulongpo District.
“I think this is a good thing for both public and private reasons,” Zhou Shuguang wrote, saying he could, privately speaking, increase traffic to his blog, and publicly do his part to satisfy the curiosity of people paying attention to the story.
When he arrived in Chongqing, he had with him the few hundred yuan he had made selling vegetables. That day sometime past three in the afternoon, he posted his first dispatch about “my inquiries into the ‘nail house incident’ from Chongqing’s Jiulongpo”. He reported on his journey, the people he had met and people’s responses to the nail house incident. “Because of my identity [i.e., not being a licensed reporter] I could only watch from the sidelines, listening to the views of people all around me.” Zhou Shuguang saw the female owner of the nail house, Wu Ping (吴苹).
On the afternoon of the 29th, after he had made the posting “Wu Ping’s opinions twisted by official media” from an Internet bar, Zhou Shuguang returned to the inn where he was staying. His lodging fees were sponsored by a rights defender (维权户) who came from the city of Zhuhai. Before he set out, he had asked on his Weblog for sponsors and received 500 yuan, which he felt was enough to support his expenses in Chongqing.
This Mr. Chen in Zhuhai had faced forced demolition and removal and he went specifically to Chongqing to offer his support for the resident of the “toughest nail house”.
From them [Mr. Chen and others] Zhou Shuguang learned something he found shocking. “Many things we find inconceivable aren’t so because we can’t believe them but because we don’t know about them,” Zhou Shuguang wrote. He wanted to make available through his blog reports things that the traditional media might know but found it inconvenient to report.
His reports have been welcomed by Web users. “My inquiries into the ‘nail house incident’ from Chongqing’s Jiulongpo” has already drawn more than 5,000 Web hits, and his second dispatch received close to 2,000 hits within just a few hours. He has already received more than 20 notices from other Weblogs using his material, and continuous messages of support.
One Web user says: “Comrade Adorable Angry Youth Zola (Zhou Shuguang’s web alias) must really be commended for going by himself to Chongqing as an independent blogger to report on the nail house incident! This will be an important chapter in Chinese grassroots media.”
Another Web user says: “I looked at Zola’s blog today. He’s in Chongqing looking into the nail house story. I think this thing is of epochal significance. That year when Lao Hu Miao (老虎庙) used a mobile phone to take a picture of murder in Beijing’s Wangfujing, that was the first time a Chinese blogger had influence and beat the traditional media to a story, showing that blogs were a kind of media. Unfortunately, later this kind of thing didn’t happen very often, and this has a lot to do with the environment in China.”
Actually, aside from Zhou Shuguang, there have been others who have reported on the “toughest nail house” story as bloggers. A blogger called “The Musings of Tiger” (老虎论道) started reporting on the nail house incident on March 24, and the blogger went twice to the scene, writing about what they saw and felt, and including a substantial number of images.
[The Web portal] Sina.com has a blog that has kept up with this news event, but it has now been shut down without explanation. There are many blogs dealing with the story from a wealth of angles, but perhaps only Zhou Shuguang has traveled from far away especially in order to file blog reports.
[Posted by David Bandurski, March 30, 2007, 4:37pm]

He Xuefeng

March 2007 — He Xuefeng is chief editor of the editorial division at Southern Metropolis Daily, a leading Chinese commercial newspaper that has become well-known for its tough investigative reporting and its strong and varied editorial viewpoints. After graduating from Anhui University, He Xuefeng worked as an editor and reporter for Southern Weekend, a leading commercial newspaper in Guangdong province.

China Youth Daily editorial calls for greater professionalism in Chongqing “nail house” reports

Chinese authorities recently lifted a prior ban on coverage of the so-called “nail house” in Chongqing, the story of a beleaguered homeowner fighting against forced removal for a development project, and coverage in the Chinese media is on the rise again today. But an editorial from China Youth Daily suggesting media have blown the story out of proportion has dragged the debate in a new direction. [BELOW: Screenshot of “nail house” coverage today at the Website of China’s official Xinhua News Agency].

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The China Youth Daily editorial, written by Lu Gaofeng (陆高峰), suggests that some media have used (or abused) coverage of the “nail house” story in Chongqing to manufacture public sympathy for the “weak” in the bottom-line pursuit of bigger audiences. Lu argues that while officials must face public and media scrutiny “pure-heartedly”, the media need to hold up their end of the bargain, namely to “preserve impartiality and cool-headedness, not playing to the gallery, not misleading the public.” Lu says also that “rational analysis” has been insufficient in coverage of the “nail house” story.
Lu Gaofeng’s editorial should not, in CMP’s view, be read as an official appeal for media self-discipline, but rather as a call for greater professionalism. Unavoidably, though, the editorial raised the hackles of many netizens, who posted responses on major Chinese web portals. “I’d like to ask Lu Gaofeng,” said one Web user at QQ.com, “What is the responsibility of the media? I’ve paid close attention to these ‘nail house’ reports, and some reports are clearly mouthpieces of the government and the development company, and some reports are clearly on the side of the nail house owner. What’s so strange about that? We can’t always demand that media people don’t have their own viewpoints or leanings can we?”
Selected portions of Lu’s editorial follow:
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Media Overexcited in “Nail House” Coverage
By Lu Gaofeng (陆高峰)
China Youth Daily, March 29, 2007
. . . Chongqing Mayor Wang Hongju (王鸿举) said, “The ‘nail house’ incident has been frothed up like crazy on the Web, with Web hits surpassing 10 million.” Actually, that number is probably much higher.
While the interests of the masses are no small matter, and while the entanglement between a Chongqing resident facing eviction and a developer and the government may be symbolic as the Property Law has just passed, the media should face questions over its building up of this story about the “nail house”, the fight over removal and demolition and the pursuit of [legal] rights and benefits. Why is it that public opinion [on this story] should lean so decidedly to one side? Why can’t the public agree with the court’s judgement of “removal and demolition”, or the Chongqing mayor’s assertion that the resident is asking for unreasonable compensation? To a large degree it is because the media has used it ability to set the agenda and create public opinion to manufacture sympathy in its audience for the “weak” [i.e., the “underdog”].
The mass media possess the natural advantage of being able to enlarge events and public opinion. According to the views of a number of communication scholars in the West, mass media are structures of re-creation that “mimic their environment” (大众媒介是从事“拟态环境”再生产的机构). In many situations, the mimicked environments [of mass media] are not entirely accurate reflections of the objective environment, but are new “constructions” of media organizations and disseminators made according to their particular needs and interests. Some have compared this re-creative and agenda-setting function of the media to a spotlight or an amplifier — enlarging events and public opinion, drawing the attention and concern of the public, or even working as a distorting mirror — twisting or changing [things] according to the needs of the disseminator.
. . . What is regrettable is that in reports on the “nail house” we see only the extreme “focus” and “magnification” of this event by the media, their excessive “publicizing” of the issue of rights and benefits, to the point that some have even made this “removal row” into their own personal performances, seeking to win the eyeballs of the audience through a “feast” of sympathy. We seldom see rational analysis of this story from the media, or impartial reporting, or any attempt to quell [or soften] the swelling of noise [surrounding the story].
As we explore the question of good relations between media and officials, there are two points we cannot lose sight of. The first is that government offices should face media scrutiny (“supervision by public opinion”) with an attitude of public service, not using their power to keep others down, accepting criticism pure-heartedly. The second is the media’s own social responsibility, to preserve impartiality and cool-headedness, not playing to the gallery, not misleading the public.
MORE SOURCES:
We will not be moved: one family against the developers“, The Guardian, March 24, 2007
In China, Fight Over Development Creates a Star“, March 24, 2007
Property rights law fight hits home in China“, Associated Press, March 28, 2007
Nailing Down a Settlement“, TIME China Blog, March 28, 2007
[Posted by David Bandurski, March 29, 2007, 12:50pm]

Chinese documentary film festival “postponed” until further notice

According to a CMP source, China’s leading venue for the screening of independent documentary films has been “postponed” under an order from authorities in Kunming, the capital of China’s Yunnan province. The Yunnan Multi Culture Visual Fest, or YunFest, which has been held for three years running, was scheduled to go ahead from April 6-12 in Kunming, but an e-mail from the festival’s executive committee today said they had been notified of the postponement. [BELOW: Screenshot of e-mail from YunFest 2007 executive committee notifying festival participants of the event’s postponement/Sender’s e-mail and mobile blocked].

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In the e-mail announcement, YunFest planners said they were reaching “relevant authorities” (有关部门) concerning the move. CMP has not yet been able to confirm the reasons for the postponement, but the edgy film festival, which generally features a range of independently-produced documentaries touching on sensitive social issues, might be facing more intense political pressure as China’s 17th Party Congress approaches.
The postponement announcement urged participants to hold off on travel plans and wait for further word. The text is translated below:
Dear respected selected contest participant for the 2007 YunFest:
The YunFest committee has received notice that: “The Yunnan Multi Culture Visual Fest 2007” event has been postponed.
We are urgently getting in touch with relevant authorities, and we hope that we may be able to go forward as planned.
Would everyone please for the time being not purchase airline or bus tickets and keep a close eye on the YunFest Website: www.yunfest.org . Once we have received a definite answer we will release information at the earliest possible moment.
YunFest’s executive committee apologizes for any inconvenience this has caused.
Thank you everyone for your attention and support!
YunFest Executive Committee
March 26, 2007

MORE SOURCES:
About YunFest
[Posted by David Bandurski, March 27, 2007, 6:23pm]

China Youth Daily: China needs non-state journalism “communities” to ensure a professional press

Cases like the beating death of reporter Lan Chengzhang earlier this year, and the controversy surrounding the Foxconn Case in August 2006, have underscored the growing problem of media ethics and press corruption in China. A crucial point often overlooked in coverage of this issue is the relationship between problems in the Chinese media and Party press controls [See “China’s Yellow Journalism“, FEER, June 2006]. One of the lynchpin questions in the debate over ethical journalism in China is whether the professional environment for journalism can be improved without a radical rethink of the media’s role in Chinese society (which is also a fundamental question about political reform). [BELOW: Screenshot of online “Youth Topics” section of today’s China Youth Daily, with article on journalistic professionalism].

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An editorial in today’s China Youth Daily, a newspaper published by the China Communist Youth League, touches on the institutional roots of poor media professionalism in China. The editorial, written by Chen Jibing (陈季冰), deputy editor of the Oriental Morning Post, one of Shanghai’s leading commercial newspapers, argues that the failure to establish “effective professional norms” in many sectors in China, including media, results from lack of “the necessary social ‘communities’ (共同体)”.
The article — “Oriental Morning Post deputy editor Chen Jibing: Only with self-discipline and regulation can there be freedom of speech” — looks at first glance like your typical media self-confession about the need for reporters to better behave and bear in mind their own responsibility to Chinese society:
… If we look more deeply, isn’t the media’s weak self-discipline just as serious a defect [as tight government control]? The two [factors] seem interconnected — because media don’t adequately self-discipline, the government controls more strictly; and because the government controls more strictly the media lack self-discipline even more. The precondition of freedom is rule of law. In the same way, journalistic norms (新闻规范) are the precondition of freedom of speech. Without a set of journalistic norms, even if the government is hands off and doesn’t exercise control, we can’t possibly achieve true freedom of speech.
But the editorial moves directly into a discussion of government regulation in “Western countries”, arguing that Western societies more effectively regulate various sectors (including professional sports, for example) through a combination of weak government and strong civil society (“小(弱)政府、大(强)社会”的格局). The article implies that state-controlled industry associations like the All-China Journalists Association should give way to more independent professional communities. The argument follows:
The most basic reason why we cannot establish effective “norms” in many sectors is that we lack the necessary social “communities”. Academic freedom needs to be supported by an “academic community”, and journalistic norms need to be supported by a “media community”. Of course, these sorts of communities are different from the government in that they are not backed up by legal force (the power to restrain under the law). Nevertheless, anyone who challenges the authority of the community will automatically lose their credentials as a community member, and owing to the internal operation of mutual acknowledgement and censure within the community, the community works as a strong binding force.
To give an example, classic cases of this kind of community are European football associations (欧洲的足球协会) [SEE UEFA], in which membership is entirely voluntary but which strongly bind registered players. Why do European players not dare commit ethics violations (打假球)? Because they know that if they are found out, or even cast into doubt, their careers are jeopardized, and even if they make the rounds all over Europe there’s not a single club that would dare sign a contract with them. Moreover, if the football association drops a player’s credentials, television advertisers will no longer do business with him. So why is it that [in China] we have a football association colored with state power (浓厚的官方色彩的足协) and yet cannot accomplish as much [as UEFA]? It’s because despite the fact that the government can leverage the force of the law, it cannot compel fans to buy tickets and watch matches. Moreover, when any industry association is connected with the state, its leaders tend to absorb themselves with their superiors rather than the healthy operation of the market.
What I’m arguing is that journalistic norms are the precondition for freedom of speech, and the creation and protection of journalistic norms relies upon the emergence of a “media community”. I don’t mean that we should give the work of propaganda offices entirely over to a news media association. And I’m not saying the government should not control [the media] from here on out. What I’m saying is that because the functions and resources of the government and industry communities are different, they should have different spheres of management. In light of China’s national realities, propaganda authorities should be responsible for questions of guidance in the ideological realm of media. Media professional associations should be charged with ordering market competition, professional principles for journalists and other questions belonging to the “social” sphere. Once this pattern of assuming respective roles and working together emerges, “freedom” and “regulation” will complement one another.
MORE SOURCES:
Chen Jibing’s personal Weblog
Unsteady Taiwanese steps, often in the wrong direction“, Ethical Corporation, March 8, 2007
Foxconn sues reporters over iPod story“, MacNN, August 29, 2006
Foxconn sues newspaper”, ESWN, August 26, 2006
The FoxConn-First Financial Daily Case Goes National/Global“, ESWN, August 28, 2006
Western Media Begins Foxconn Coverage“, ESWN, August 29, 2006
Some differing views of Foxconn“, Danwei.org, August 30, 2006
Taboo term ‘press freedom’ unshelved for domestic Chinese coverage of the Foxconn lawsuit“, CMP, August 30, 2006
China media seen as corrupt, but experts blame communist controls for skewing system“, AP, January 31, 2007
Killing Puts Focus on Corruption in Chinese News Media” (NOTE: report contains several factual inaccuracies, including date of Lan Chengzhang’s death), The New York Times, January 31, 2006
[Posted by David Bandurski, March 27, 2007, 2:30pm]

Editorial criticizes Chinese officials and media for poisoning the Olympic spirit with nationalism

southern-metropolis-daily_march-19_2007.pdf

Much Chinese media coverage of the 2008 Beijing Olympics has focused on national pride and the importance of the games in building up China’s international image. But a recent editorial in Southern Metropolis Daily argues that China’s well-publicized appetite for Olympic gold has become a kind of Midas touch, spoiling the spirit of friendship and harmony that the Games have come to symbolize. [BELOW: March 19 editorial in Southern Metropolis Daily discusses the spirit of the Olympic Games/See also PDF above].

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The writer of the Southern Metropolis Daily editorial, Jing Kaixuan (景凯旋), suggests that China needs to remove the taint of central planning from its approach to athletics and focus more on sports as a way of life, also seeking to improve public access to sports facilities and raise the overall fitness of people across the country.
Jing’s comments follow a wave of news about China’s 2008 Olympic hopes, and discussions of where China’s priorities should lie. Coverage has been driven in part over the last week by comments from a representative to the recent NPC meetings in Beijing, who was quoted by Chinese media as saying that “China will win the most medals at the Olympics, or at least the most gold medals.”
The editorial follows in full:
———————-
“Gold medals do not equal the Olympic spirit”
By Jing Kaixuan (景凯旋)
Southern Metropolis Daily
March 19, 2007
I’m a definite sports fan. Any time there’s a decent match to watch, I’m ready to enjoy it. But over these last few years I’ve watched less and less [sports on] television, because the propagandizing by some media has already departed from the Olympic spirit, spoiling the enjoyment to be found in sports. So when I heard the presentations from writer Wang Meng (王蒙) and athlete Deng Yaping (邓亚萍) at the [recent] two meetings [sessions of the NPC and CPPCC] I felt they were clear-headed and rational people. Happening to coincide [in their sentiments], they suggested that the political significance of sports events should not be played up, and that the drumbeating [within China] about being the top medal winner at the [Beijing 2008] Olympic Games has already damaged China’s image.
In my view, sports events manifest the power and beauty of humanity, and their emphasis is on the spirit of the games, not the warring of nationalities. Of course, when national flags are raised and national anthems pipe up at contemporary international sports events, this can come with a bit of patriotic pride. But unlike other areas, sports matches are marked with high degree of common cultural understanding, and the five-circled [Olympic] flag represents the unity, friendship and harmony (和谐) of humankind. The Olympic spirit is about universality, not about national differences, and it should be free particularly of political overtones. During the Cold War, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, Western nations, led by the United States, boycotted the Moscow Olympics, and yet some athletes competed in their own names, waving the Olympic flag as they participated in the opening ceremony. This did not signal their support for Soviet politics, but rather [their conviction] that sports and politics should not be interlocked. I believe it is athletes like this, and not politicians, who evince the true spirit of athletic games.
Sports competitions should not be politicized also because they represent the most basic idea of equality … If we ratchet up the political significance of sports, and use nationalism to patch up ideological gaps, then this translates into the aberrant idea that “victory is patriotism and defeat is treasonable.” You cannot suppose logic of this kind is a merely fanciful – this was exactly what Saddam Hussein’s son Uday did when the Iraqi soccer team lost international matches, bringing out the whip after [the athletes] returned home.
Very few countries in the contemporary world are like us, taking sports matches and lending to them a kind of grave nationalistic import, so that only the winning of gold medals has importance, and silver and bronze medals are considered defeat. We often see that when foreign athletes win second and third place medals, their faces express their joy, but Chinese athletes by contrast wear looks of discouragement. Under pressure to win gold medals, even if these athletes do feel joy at winning, they do not dare show it. Are the tears shed by these champions tears shed under pressure, or tears shed through personal struggle? This is not the most important thing. In [our] media propagandizing, of course all tears are tears of fervent nationalism.
Under such a climate, the Olympic spirit has already been twisted. [Chinese] coaches and athletes seldom show bearing and dignity. Win a competition and this is the glory of race. Lose a competition and we blame the machinations of the other side. Some people say this is the coaches or athletes making a stink out of personal character. But if they are acting this way just for themselves and not out of nationalistic spirit, then what will the result be? Everyone in the world is clear about this. Some [Chinese] sports officials talk just as overbearingly overseas as they do within China. For example, during an open badminton tournament in Germany recently, a Chinese athlete dropped out of a match due to illness. This caused dissatisfaction in the [tournament’s] executive committee [which wondered about the reason for the withdrawal]. It was a matter that could easily be explained [owing to the player’s illness], but a [Chinese] official blamed the German peoples’ lack of understanding of the game, saying that German’s were jealous of the achievements of the Chinese team. Who would believe such an assertion, saying Germans were jealous over badminton? This could only cause others to believe that you suffered from lack of character.
All of this owes to a “system of unified national struggle” (举国体制) and to “Olympic strategizing” (奥运战略). In today’s market economy, the sports world [in China] still suffers from hangovers from the planned economy, and this is unsuited to the tenets of reform. These last few years, a number of sports officials and media have turned athletic sports into a grand national objective, relying on the support of the whole nation, turning national resources to the manufacture of gold medals, rolling tax revenues into this [sports] industry. In the name of winning glory for the nation, it seems anything can be done. But no one has ever stepped forward to explain exactly how much tax money must be spent for China to win a single gold medal, and seldom do people ask, when corruption exists in every industry — are sports officials really that clean? In all these cases of [athletes] using stimulants and match rigging, do we honestly think it all comes down to the personal foibles of the referees, coaches and athletes? And where has all that money for the sports lottery been applied?
Regardless of how many gold medals China wins in the Olympic Games, this is ultimately less important [for average Chinese] than eating well (大不过以食为天的民生), less meaningful than the idea of a “harmonious world”, and less important than national fitness. In countries with truly strong sports cultures, the people regard athletics as a way of life. But we have invested pathetically little in the health and fitness of our national citizens, and modern athletic equipment is very rarely made available to ordinary people. People generally speaking do not have public areas where they can exercise, and our health and fitness indicators are lower than in other countries. We simply go off to the hospital when we’re sick, and this exacerbates already strong pressures on our healthcare system, contributing to social instability. The upshot of emphasizing gold medals and not focusing on people is that neither our hearts nor our bodies can be sound.
(The author is a professor at Nanjing University)
MORE SOURCES:
Don’t raise up the China as top gold medal winner theory: Think about it carefully” (Chinese), Qianlong.com, March 16, 2007
China’s gold medalist Deng calls for Olympics-driven soft power improvement“, Xinhua News Agency, March 12, 2007
[Posted by David Bandurski, March 21, 2007, 2:01pm]

Meeting between Hillary Clinton and AIDS crusader Gao Yaojie makes the front page at Southern Metropolis Daily

southern-metropolis-daily_march-20_2007.pdf
Guangdong’s saucy Southern Metropolis Daily, the lone Chinese newspaper to break news in late February of AIDS activist Gao Yaojie’s (高耀洁) trip to the United States to receive the Vital Voices Global Women’s Leadership Award, threw up chalk again today with a “line-ball” cover-story on Gao Yaojie’s face-to-face meeting with Senator Hillary Clinton. [BELOW: Front page of today’s Southern Metropolis Daily, with prominent photo of Hillary Clinton and Gao Yaojie/PDF: Page A16 interview with Gao Yaojie about meeting with Clinton.]
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CMP noted on February 26 that a Southern Metropolis Daily editorial had mentioned Gao Yaojie’s trip to Beijing in preparation for her departure for the United States, and had offered praise for top officials who visited Gao in her Beijing hotel room. The editorial had not, however, mentioned a letter to Chinese President Hu Jintao from Hillary Clinton, a New York senator and 2008 presidential candidate, that some have argued was instrumental in securing Gao Yaojie’s release from house arrest in Hebei Province and enabling her U.S. trip. To have emphasized this point would have been dangerous for any newspaper, suggesting that pressure from a U.S. politician had influenced high-level decision making.
Nevertheless, the Southern Metropolis Daily interview with Gao Yaojie, which occupies the whole of page 16 today, does quote Gao as mentioning Clinton’s letter in the following exchange:
Reporter: Did you express your thanks to her?
Gao Yaojie: I said it right from the very beginning. I said, Thank you for your letter, without which I could not have come here. We talked for half an hour, and she led me out personally.

The bold coverage today on Hillary Clinton and Gao Yaojie shows Southern Metropolis Daily‘s strong professional spirit in making full use of incremental political space available for treatment of a sensitive domestic issue — an opportunity afforded in part by Gao Yaojie’s visit in Beijing with deputy health minister Wang Longde (王陇德) and Hao Yang (郝阳), deputy director of epidemic disease control at the Ministry of Health.
The Gao Yaojie interview was accompanied by a strong page 2 editorial called, “Gao Yaojie: the glory goes to those who speak the truth“.
MORE SOURCES:
Gao Yaojie: the glory goes to those who speak the truth” (Chinese), Southern Metropolis Daily, March 20, 2007
Group Honors Doctor Who Exposed China AIDS Scandal“, Washington Post, March 14, 2007
AIDS Doctor Fears Return to China“, Radio Free Asia, March 15, 2007
[Posted by David Bandurski, March 20, 2007, 4:25pm]

China Youth Daily calls for greater mutual respect and tolerance between officials and news media

CMP has commented frequently about the debate in China over the role of the media, particularly its identity vis-a-vis the Party and government. The debate can take a number of forms, as in the controversy surrounding the Lan Chengzhang case concerning the difference between “real” and “fake” reporters, or in the question of whether “watchdog journalism” is a “right” of the media or a “duty” of the media (insofar as it is a function of the state). In the simplest sense, the debate can be seen to arise from a longstanding conflict between the propaganda role of the press under Communist Party rule and strains of “liberal” public interest journalism going back to the Republican Era (1912-1949) and even as far back as the late Qing Dynasty and the establishment of the first independent newspapers in China. [BELOW: Screenshot of Yan Lieshan editorial feature at top of editorial section at Sina.com].
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Questioning of the role of the press can be said to have reached a contemporary apex in the late 1980s, as China reacted against the falsehood of the Cultural Revolution and explored the creation of a press law to protect the work of journalists, an effort that died with the massacre of demonstrators following democracy protests in Beijing in June 1989.
Since the 1990s, commercialization has been the primary impetus for change in China’s media landscape, but the public interest strain of journalism persists, seeking opportunities in an unpredictable political environment.
The latest salvo in this ongoing struggle, an editorial by veteran journalist and former CMP fellow Yan Lieshan (鄢烈山), takes advantage of the opportunity afforded by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao‘s recent statements on March 16 — that China “must create conditions such as to allow the people to supervise and criticize the government” — to argue strongly for an independent monitoring role for the news media based on mutual respect between officials and journalists. This method, frequently used by Chinese media to address sensitive issues,is called jieti fahui (借题发挥), or, translated roughly, “using a current topic of conversation to put out one’s own ideas”.
The China Youth Daily editorial follows in full:
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[Link to editorial on Sina.com]
“Respecting the rights of the media does not mean making it your footservant”
China Youth Daily
March 20, 2007
Yan Lieshan (鄢烈山)
If we want to inch forward, if we want to improve, if we want to work in concert, then we need to have an attitude of tolerance and compromise, we need to have more respect and understanding, and less opposition —
Can officialdom (Party organs and other offices of power, and officials) form a positive interactive relationship with the media? It should be possible. The media and officialdom are not necessarily cat and mouse, in zero-sum opposition (of course, the exceptions are those corrupt officials trying to cover up their crimes). If both sides see impartiality, factuality and the popular will as the basis of their work, then the main goal is the prosperity of the people and the strength of the nation. If in some cases they are divided in their views, this is simply because their roles are different.
In the early days of Guangdong Party Secretary Zhang Dejiang’s (张德江) appointment to the province, many journalists within the Nanfang Daily Group had no idea where they would stand. They had doubts about whether the group could maintain its position at the front of the pack of national media. As the facts have borne out, these fears were unwarranted: the pep of the Nanfang Daily Group has never waned. And just recently we had news reports saying that at the close of the two meetings [of the NPC and CPPCC], Zhang Dejiang sighed with feeling and said, “Guangdong media workers are especially capable,” and stressed that a strong economy also necessitated a strong media. This can be seen as an example of good-faith interaction between the media and officialdom.
It goes without saying that democracy and rule of law are still being established in my country, and the economic sector and the direction of the market are still controlled by the hand of the government. That is to say, we are still a country in a period of transition. Under such social conditions it can be said that insofar as there are tensions between officials and the media, these owe largely to the “official” side. Therefore, if media and officialdom are to build up a favorable cooperative [“interactive”] relationship, the most important thing is mutual respect, which means particularly that officials need to set their own positions straight — in respecting the rights of the media, [officials] cannot use the media as their footservants or tools.
In this regard, Premier Wen Jiabao perspicaciously remarked on March 16 when responding to questions from reporters: “We must understand a principle of truth, and that is that all power vested in the government is endowed by the people … and we must create conditions such as to allow the people to supervise and criticize the government … Regardless of the past, in the present and the future there is no need for us to speak [of our official work] in glowing terms.” If officials have a general knowledge of democracy and rule of law, they won’t act with this ancient attitude that puts officialdom high above the people and deals arrogantly with the media, seeing the criticisms and probing of the media as a great profanity. They will not regard the exposures of investigative reporting as forces of “chaos” upsetting unity and order. They will not demand that the media produce paeans singing high the “accomplishments” [of the government]. The responsibility of the media is ultimately to seek out the facts of our society, to provide a platform and a channel through which the people may express their will. Supporting the media, allowing it the strength to stand in the world on its own legs — this is rooted in the will and public confidence of the people. We have no trouble imagining how the county secretary who conjured up the “Penshui SMS Case” … this kind of old-school official who is the “boss” of the people, treats media under his control [NOTE: underlined phrase just above is a wry play on the word “democracy”, 民主, in which the characters, 民 主, are separated to mean “boss of the people.”]
Hunan Party Secretary Zhang Chunxian (张春贤) said recently in an interview with Southern Weekend: “The Web, this form of new media, is a discussion platform, and by using this method one can rather broadly understand the sentiments of the people. The only thing for those who govern is to understand the will of the people and to gather their knowledge … So if now leaders are not familiar with [the Web], they should get up to speed. And if these postings contain also challenges, then officials should face those challenges head on.” Zhang Chunxian’s comments came, in his own words, “out of respect for and trust of Internet users.” That’s exactly right. Respect and trust are linked intimately. And I especially admire his [Zhang Chunxian’s] comment that leaders should accept challenges. Many leaders have for a long time become accustomed to issuing orders and demanding others step into line with them. They are certainly not accustomed to discussion on terms of equality. To make the transition from a ruling mentality to a service mentality (从管治型转变为服务型), our government needs to begin conversing with the media and the people on terms of equality. For example, Party and government organs definitely need to become accustomed to answering “cunning and strange” questions from journalists and participants at news conferences … For many officials, transitioning from sending orders down to the plebians from on high to conversation with them on terms of equality is a tough and formidable challenge.
Here we come from the topic of mutual respect to mutual understanding. While the role of the media is to serve as the voice of the people, the power of the media, insofar as it arises from public opinion, can exert political pressure on our leaders. But the media needs also to “understand” the “troubles” facing officials: first of all, by not setting their hopes to high, giving them time to change their viewpoints and ways of operating; secondly, by observing our “national state of affairs” (国情), respecting not only the characters of our officials (we all share the same human weaknesses of character), but also to a definite degree respecting their interests. “Without tolerance, there is no freedom” [Chinese philosopher and essayist Hu Shi, 1948/text here]. If we want to inch forward, if we want to improve, if we want to work in concert, then we need to have an attitude of tolerance and compromise, otherwise we’ll look on one another as enemies, and only violence will settle things, precisely the old way of thinking that does nothing for us.
My feelings on this subject arise from two meetings between current Guizhou Governor Lin Shusen (林树森) and reporters. Formerly, as Party secretary of Guangzhou, he [Lin] expressed dissatisfaction with journalists and angrily accused media of “playing up” (炒作) Guangzhou’s public security problems. What “hand-chopping gang“, “speed-racing gang”, “backpack gang”, he said. Did Guangzhou have such gangs? During the most recent two meetings, he met again with journalists from Guangdong. He said disapprovingly, “Some leaders, they have houses of over 200 square meters, and they still say they can’t afford homes — they tell lies unblinkingly.” “High real-estate prices are the result of media playing things up right and left”, he said. A number of people have already pointed out that his [Lin’s] points don’t stand up to scrutiny, but I can understand why he expressed his dissatisfaction.
Truthfully, being the top political player in Guangzhou isn’t easy. In fact, many problems exist just the same in other places, but as Lin Shusen said, “the key is that in other places they are not reported [by the media], so that Guangzhou looks bad [by comparison]” (Southern Weekend, March 12, 2007). I completely trust that these words are true. Bordering Hong Kong and Macao, Guangzhou’s affairs are reported in those quarters as soon as the wind blows and the grass stirs. You couldn’t cover things up if you tried. Perhaps with Guangzhou’s newspaper industry so developed, and competition so fierce, city leaders in Guangzhou face media scrutiny to a degree leaders in other provinces do not.
If officials and the media enjoyed greater mutual understanding and mutual tolerance, and less opposition, this would benefit China’s gradual progress toward democracy and rule of law.
MORE SOURCES:
Southern Metropolis Daily calls for a domestic ‘partnership’ between government and media“, CMP, January 5, 2007
Should watchdog journalism be protected as a ‘right’ or mandated as a ‘duty’?“, CMP, January 10, 2007
Debate on press freedom in China continues as 12-ex-officials and scholars issue open letter“, CMP, February 15, 2006
[Posted by David Bandurski, March 20, 2007, 1:47pm]

The Good of Society Before All Else 社会效益第一

In the 1990s, as China’s media moved steadily into the marketplace, the Propaganda Bureau issued its “key principle” of “placing the good of society before all else, and working diligently to bring about the unification of social and economic benefits.” The new principle emphasized the following:
1. Under the conditions of the market economy, cultural products [media, film, the arts] are commodities, but commodities of a special nature. Media professionals must seriously and earnestly consider the social implications of their own work.
2. Under the conditions of the market economy, economic benefit must be emphasized in the creation of cultural and non-material products, and trends must be prevented that do not work toward economic development or promote economic benefits; Neither must [media] products lose sight of the social good through the self-interested pursuit of “saleability” in the marketplace.
3. For those news media important to the Party and the nation, the nation shall continue to provide financial and policy support.
(See “The Marxist View of Journalism and the Guiding Principles of Party Journalism,” in News Line, May 2004)