Author: David Bandurski

Now director of the CMP, leading the project’s research and partnerships, David joined the team in 2004 after completing his master’s degree at Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism. He is currently an honorary lecturer at the Journalism and Media Studies Centre. He is the author of Dragons in Diamond Village (Penguin/Melville House), a book of reportage about urbanization and social activism in China, and co-editor of Investigative Journalism in China (HKU Press).

Hunan “watchdog journalism” prize draws criticism from Chinese media

So far this month, “watchdog journalism”, or “supervision by public opinion” (舆论监督), is one of the buzzwords to keep an eye on in China. A recent surge in watchdog journalism-related news has ushered the term into the headlines and given media an opportunity to reflect on their relationship to the party and their role in Chinese society. The latest news story to spark debate is a local Hunan government’s announcement of a new “watchdog journalism prize”, which has many commentators crying foul.
The term “supervision by public opinion” is often used by Communist Party leaders in China to denote media monitoring to fight corruption lower down on the official foodchain. The term was first mentioned by top officials as a form of power monitoring in the late 1980s, subject to control by its more muscular twin, “guidance of public opinion”. But for many journalists and experts hoping for a more independent role for journalism, “supervision by public opinion” stands in as the Chinese cognate of Western “watchdog journalism”, a proxy term for greater press freedom.
The first news story to launch watchdog journalism into the headlines this month came as new local rules on fighting corruption took effect in Henan’s capital city of Zhengzhou. The rules, announced back in November, make specific mention of “supervision by public opinion” as a key form of power monitoring. But some experts have argued that the rules, which push media with government mandates rather than empowering them with legal protections, simply highlight the need for better protections for independent journalism. The next story came as top Chinese law-enforcement officials, meeting in Beijing, gave a quiet thumbs up in their official bulletin to “watchdog journalism” as a means of combating corruption, a story some media pounced on with great appetite.
When news came last Friday of a new “watchdog journalism prize” given by top leaders in Chenzhou, a city in Hunan province that was the source of much negative news in 2006 (including a cover up of the local death toll resulting from floods brought on by Typhoon Bilis), many journalists eyed the announcement with suspicion. The announcement of the Chenzhou prize said specifically that awards would be given to “central and provincial-level media” whose reports promoted progress in the city, which had other media asking: what about local media in Chenzhou?
Now, even the official Xinhua News Agency has made its feelings about the prize known. In a news commentary (时评) that ran yesterday in Guangdong’s official Nanfang Daily, Chongqing Morning Post and other papers, Xinhua wrote that “awarding watchdog journalism always sounds a bit unnatural” because:
In an open society a healthy media will have a “natural impulse” toward watchdog journalism, what some have called the “journalist’s sense of [professional] honor”. Therefore, for media, creating an atmosphere “suited” to watchdog journalism is far more important than “awarding” watchdog journalism. What a healthy media cares about is whether or not its own rights are practicable. To have journalists thinking all day about how to take watchdog journalism sources and turn them ‘to their advantage’ [thinking about awards, or money, or things other than their professional duty], can, if not done right, lead to ‘professional news extortionists’.
The commentary, “Watchdog Journalism Needs Rights, Not Prizes”, said the real need was for a working system that protected journalists and their right to conduct watchdog journalism: “Building a system protecting the regular workings of the media is much more effective than the support of any one person or any ‘policy of favoring media’ (惠媒政策). Naturally, this is a major project and not something any one local area can ‘get right'”.
An editorial in yesterday’s The Beijing News said the awarding of “watchdog journalism prizes” in such a way as to confuse the relationship between media and those being monitored in fact constituted a kind of “soft resistance” to watchdog journalism: “As the subject of monitoring, the government should not express gratitude to those monitoring it by awarding prizes, but rather by creating an environment ‘suited’ to watchdog journalism”, the newspaper said.
A page two editorial in Southern Metropolis Daily said the Chenzhou prize — the local government’s “shift from resisting watchdog journalism to rewarding it” — revealed the lack of real acceptance of watchdog journalism by government officials. “What is most regrettable,” the paper wrote, “is that up to today there is still no definite legal relationship between the media and the monitoring of public power, and the right to conduct watchdog journalism has not been afforded adequate protection. When officials are happy, they can give out watchdog journalism prizes, when they are unhappy they can keep [news] from seeing the light of day”.
Chinese media have also made repeated references (as did the recent Xinhua news commentary on the Chenzhou prize, and Southern Metropolis Daily earlier this month) to the State Council’s much-touted policy of a “constructive and cooperative partnership” with foreign news media in the run-up to the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games.
News of the beating of one Nanfang Daily reporter in Guangdong [ESWN coverage here], and the beating death of a reporter (officials say “fake” reporter) in Shanxi, should keep the question of journalists’ rights firmly in the sights of Chinese media this week.
[Posted by David Bandurski, January 16, 2006, 2:15pm]

Journalist murdered in Shanxi Province: Local leaders insist he was a “fake” reporter

Lan Chenchang (兰成长) A Shanxi-based reporter for China Trade News (中国贸易报) was severely beaten by unknown assailants on January 9 while covering a coalmine near Datong City in Shanxi, according to a report from Southern Metropolis Daily [report via Sohu.com]. The reporter died of his injuries the next day, and a controversy is now brewing over Lan Chenchang’s identity as a journalist. While a source at China Trade News told Southern Metropolis Daily they had hired Lan on a freelance basis, officials in Datong have insisted Lan Chenchang was a “fake” reporter killed because he tried to extort money with a negative news report.
On January 12, just two days after Lan’s death, the city government in Datong launched a new campaign against “fake” reporters in the area [Chinese coverage from Sohu.com].
CMP understands from Chinese media sources that this story is generating a lot of interest among reporters. Stay tuned to CMP for more news and analysis.

January 9 – January 15, 2007

January 9 — Chinese commercial media voiced various opinions on the execution of former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. The coverage came as national television media in China were told to tread carefully around news of the execution, making reports only according to Foreign Ministry statements and without expressing sympathies for any particular party.
January 9 — The publication of an essay called “Democracy is a Good Thing” by Central Translation Bureau deputy director Yu Keping, a close ally of Hu Jintao, rippled through Chinese-language media, fueling speculation about more lively debate inside China over political reform as the 17th Party Congress approaches. [Translation of “Democracy is a Good Thing” from ESWN].
January 9 — At a recent forum on China’s “cultural industries” — covering media and the arts — a top official with the General Administration of Press and Publications (responsible for overseeing print media and publishing, attacked what he called “cultural garbage”. [Coverage from Danwei.org].
January 11 — U.S. Congressman Chris Smith reintroduced the Global Online Freedom Act (GOFA), first drafted by U.S. lawmakers in 2006 after several high-profile cases involving cooperation between Chinese authorities and American Internet companies. [Analysis by Rebecca MacKinnon here]. [“Analysis: Yahoo’s China problem“, CNN Money, February 8, 2006].
January 13 — Liang Wenxiang, a reporter for Guangdong Province’s official Nanfang Daily was beaten by unknown assailants outside his home. The reason’s for the attack are not yet known. [Brief summary from ESWN].

Prominent Web story on government transparency and “watchdog journalism” vanishes from Sina.com

Chinese Web portal Sina.com gave major play this morning to a story laying emphasis on the mention of “watchdog journalism” in the official bulletin coming out of a recent session of top discipline inspection officials in China. But that coverage had vanished by shortly after 9am. [BELOW: Screen capture from Sina.com news main page, 9am, January 11].

get_img30.jpg

The official bulletin from the Seventh Plenary Session of the Central Discipline Inspection Commission (CDC), held in Beijing from January 8-10, called for the “strengthening” of party and government transparency and made mention of watchdog journalism, or “supervision by public opinion”, as a key form of power monitoring. The term was listed, however, at the end of a string of transparency-related terms, including intra-party democracy (党内民主) and transparency of party affairs (党务公开).
In an article appearing before 9am this morning, Sina.com posted a large headline reading, “CDC: Must Promote Transparency of Party Affairs and Strengthen Watchdog Journalism”. Shortly after 9am the headline disappeared, although the news remained available deeper within the site. A media insider told CMP the move likely came as media censors felt the story misconstrued the emphasis of the CDC bulletin — in other words, while the bulletin emphasized the need for greater transparency, its purpose was not to empower media.
The news follows recent discussion in China’s domestic media of legislation in Henan’s provincial capital of Zhengzhou mandating watchdog journalism to combat official abuse of duty.
Links:
Official bulletin from the Central Discipline Inspection Committee (“media supervision” SEE section 6)
[Posted by David Bandurski, January 11, 2007, 10:53am]

Should watchdog journalism be protected as a “right” or mandated as a “duty”?

A new local regulation combating official corruption and abuse of duty in Henan’s capital city of Zhengzhou makes specific mention of watchdog journalism, or “supervision by public opinion” (舆论监督), as a key form of monitoring. An article in today’s official People’s Daily notes with a hint of praise that the legislation “especially singles news media out”, saying “news units should carry out supervisio n by public opinion on national government personnel” [NOTE: While the Chinese specifies “national” government personnel, this can be understood more generally as “government personnel”, applying to those officials within the jurisdiction of Zhengzhou].
Back on January 6, however, The Beijing News offered a moderate dissent in an editorial by a prominent legal scholar, saying the language “should” in the media-related portion was ill-chosen and that such legislation should emphasize the right rather than the duty of media to perform a watchdog role. The editorial also advised national leaders to take the lead in protecting the media’s right to conduct watchdog journalism, rather than surrender the issue to local governments. [David Bandurski speaks with National Public Radio about Chinese watchdog journalism].
The ordinance, which took effect on January 1, designates a range of areas — a “region of priority supervision” — for monitoring of government behavior by prosecutors and the press. These include, among others, official expenditures (treating of guests, etc), and the levying of educational fees.
People’s Daily today quoted an official in Zhengzhou’s local prosecutor’s office as saying “news media, as independent social mechanisms without complex links with those subject to supervision and capable of disseminating information in a fast, timely and broad manner, have advantages other prevention measures do not have … and are an efficient means of combating abuse of duty”.
In a page three legal column in the January 6 edition of The Beijing News, Peking University law professor Jiang Ming’an (姜明安) said the Zhengzhou ordinance should either specify that news units “can” carry out supervision by public opinion, or, alternatively, should state that “national government personnel should receive (接受) press supervision from news media”.
Professor Jiang’s argument follows:
“Should” implies a form of legal obligation, that if the subject of the law does not carry out this legal duty they will bear a legal responsibility. If this is the case, are we saying that when national government personnel are in violation of their [official] duties, media should all report on it, and that whatever newspapers and radio or TV stations do not will have to bear legal responsibility? Or, is the meaning of “should” not so broad, meaning that if a government employee acts in violation of their duties, only those media who know about it, or should know about it, should carry out news reporting, or otherwise bear legal responsibility? But if [the latter] is the case, who decides whether the relevant media “knew or should have known”? Clearly, supervision by public opinion should be a right of the news media and not a legal duty or obligation.
News media have a natural initiative in carrying out supervision by public opinion on government personnel violating their official duties, and they will often very much take the initiative in reporting the behavior of officials violating their duties or related incidents. Because if media lack this drive and initiative, they will lose their viewers, listeners and readers in a competitive marketplace, and quietly die out as a result. What this means is that local governments need only relax restrictions [on the media].
The problem is not that news media lack the initiative or drive to go out and conduct watchdog journalism on government personnel, but rather that some areas and some government offices place too many restrictions on media carrying out watchdog journalism. Just think, if we loosen these restrictions just a bit, and abolish a few (we cannot abolish them all, of course), will there still be so many officials daring to commit “corrupt act after corrupt act” without hesitation right under everyone’s noses? Would we still have all of these mining disasters, one after another?
Of course, for the law to permit watchdog journalism doesn’t necessarily mean that news media can carry out watchdog journalism without any restrictions whatsoever. The law needs also to monitor watchdog journalism and regulate it as necessary, otherwise media might use watchdog journalism for corrupt ends, such as news extortion. But limitations on the carrying out of watchdog journalism by news media are best established through the law, and not through ministries or local governments. Otherwise, the freedom of the media to conduct watchdog journalism will be fragmentary at best, or disappear altogether. Therefore, the author advises that the National People’s Congress make haste in promulgating a law relevant to this area.

[Posted by David Bandurski, January 10, 2007, 4:24pm]

Commercial papers in China express diversity of views on Saddam Hussein’s execution

News from the Middle East today speaks of continued controversy over the execution of former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. CMP has learned from sources in China that television stations there have been warned to tread carefully around news of Saddam’s execution, making reports only according to Foreign Ministry statements and without expressing sympathies for any particular party. This does not necessarily reflect the situation at print media, but it is safe to suppose they were also warned to keep things cool, and particularly not to inflame religious tensions in China. [pdf_hussein-execution-editorial_the-beijing-news.pdf: January 7 editorial in The Beijing News opposes manner of Saddam Hussein’s execution].
Notwithstanding, there has been notable diversity of opinion in the Chinese media over the execution of Saddam Hussein. Once again, we have the usual suspects — the editorial pages at more independent-minded commercial newspapers, mostly those in south China, farthest from the ministers in Beijing. CMP found editorials from, among others, 21st Century Business Herald, Southern Metropolis Daily, The Beijing News, New Express, and Beijing Youth Daily. While coverage from the party papers (the X Dailies) focused on the barest facts of Saddam Hussein’s execution, and offered only quoted opinions from various state leaders outside China, the commercial newspapers sought to represent a broader cross-section of views in editorials from academic experts and engaged readers. CMP has noted before that one can look to the commercial newspapers for dissenting opinion on issues of domestic importance in China, but editorial coverage of this most recent news story suggests at least some of these newspapers are pursuing a professional goal of representing diverse opinion rather than simply offering a single dissenting opinion.
CMP has translated three editorials below. The first, written by U.S.-based scholar Shen Rui, ran in The Beijing News on January 7, but appeared on the author’s blog on January 1. The next two editorials appeared in Southern Metropolis Daily on January 3 and 4,and take sharply different views on such issues as democracy, justice and capital punishment. In the matter of context, it should also be remembered that China dealt recently with its own high-profile death penalty case.
——————
“I Am Angry: Opposing the Execution of Saddam Hussein”
Shen Rui (U.S.-based scholar)
The Beijing News
January 7, 2007 [available from January 1, 2007, at Shen Rui’s blog]
In my own name, I oppose the death of a tyrant; I oppose employing such a barbaric method, hanging, to deny a life, regardless of how unworthy that that life may be.
Saddam has been executed. Amidst the myriad celebrations leading up to the New Year, following the harvest of autumn, as people across the world settled down to welcome the coming of a new year, as thousands upon thousands of people made their pilgrimage to Mecca, as thousands upon thousands enjoyed the leftovers of Christmas dinner, as all endeavored to pass the holidays in joy, Saddam was hanged.
I do not grieve for Saddam. But I feel the death penalty meted out to him was unjust, the time chosen to execute him repulsive, and the method used to end his life horrifying. So, altogether, I feel angry. Angered into shutting off my television, and using my own way to resist, resist this execution of Saddam — to express my wrath in my own way. I am angry because this cowardly act of hanging Saddam proceeded without the least hindrance. I am angry because I feel deeply despondent about human reason.
I remain thoroughly convinced it was wrong to sentence Saddam to death. Apart from the fact no one has the right to seize the life of another person — this is for me an extreme article of faith, my highest belief about people and humanity — I want to ask what sense there is in putting Saddam to death today? There is perhaps no sense in it at all. With the execution of Saddam, the situation in Iraq will grow only worse, not better, as thousands upon thousands thirst for revenge. The execution of Saddam, aside from exposing the basic cowardice and narrow-mindedness of humankind, will do nothing to make the world a safer place. Why must things be done in such a way?
I am angry, because I have always believed that in the 21st century we should be more enlightened, more rational and more capable of creating a world governed by reason than we were in the 20th century. But I understand now how naïve is this faith of mine, how unrealistic. I realize suddenly that perhaps the 21st century will offer nothing better than the terrors of the 20th century. I am deeply troubled, because in the 20th century the West had two major wars that brought the destruction of civilization. Facing the 21st century, I felt certain we had learned our lessons, that we could take comparatively rational and moderate positions in dealing with complicated affairs. I know now that this was probably a fantasy, and that we perhaps still face in the 21st century a barbaric world devoid of rationality. I don’t know whether the Iraq War begun in 2003 was merely a prelude, and whether more destruction lies ahead. But in the future we cannot see, the shadows [and signs] of greater destruction are already over our heads. This means we must look very carefully at ourselves.
I am angry, because the timing of Saddam’s execution was chosen in such a calculated manner, and with such cowardice. Can those people who planned this execution not see that the time, timing and times of this execution (时间、时机和时代) have created a hero for all times? Do they think they’ve accomplished a wonderful feat, to take a captured and captive despot up onto the gallows? During these times of holiday celebration, to make the people of the world face the death of an old man who perhaps no longer has any power to inflict harm — this is quite plainly to manufacture romantic heroism. Saddam’s silence gives no peace to those who carried out the sentence. The death of a person of such great guilt and extreme evil leaves people in the end only to feel that they’ve somehow been wrong. Now, thousands of people go to see Saddam’s grave. From January 1, 2007, how will history and those who come after remember and judge this man who was supposed to be the worst kind of despot? 100 years from now, how will people view what we’ve done today? Our silence and our tolerance [for this act]?
My anger is also about my extreme disappointment with the actions of America, this country in which I’ve chosen to live and work. Its democratic principles and ideals are being destroyed and challenged by the unscrupulousness of the current administration. We must take responsibility for the fact that we could not keep them from taking the stage [in elections], that we could not prevent an unnecessary war, that we could not prevent the senseless waste of the lives of our sons and daughters and our resources, that we allowed a small coterie of warmongers to mislead this country. These are the things for which we bear responsibility: we stirred up greater hate, manufactured more death, made the world less safe, and made the terrorists more aggressive. This is our responsibility, a responsibility no American can avoid: how do we face the founding fathers, and how do we face the reason and ideals that they upheld? How do we face the future?
My son gave me a phone call from an island in the Pacific and said, “Mom, I feel really angry about the execution of Saddam, and I feel seriously let down by America”. Hearing my son’s words, on the last day of 2006, I had no words, only tears. Anger set my hand to writing this small article to oppose, in my own name, the death of a tyrant, to oppose this barbaric use of hanging to take a human life, regardless of how unworthy that life may be, to oppose the American invasion of Iraq, and, as a mother, to weep for the tens of thousands of lives tragically lost in this war.

——————————
“Must the Flowers of Democracy Be Nourished With Blood?”
Xiao Shu (笑蜀)
Southern Metropolis Daily
January 3, 2007, A02

In the end there was no way for Saddam Hussein to escape death. When the news [of his execution] was released, welcoming cheers echoed across the Web.
I understand that jubilation. Saddam was a man of many crimes, with the fresh blood of his brothers on his hands. But understanding does not equal agreement. Even if Saddam’s actions merit a thousand deaths, I do not believe that to execute him now is the best possible decision. Had Saddam been executed amidst the crimes of his violent politics, had Saddam been murdered as he resisted capture, I would have been overjoyed. The problem is Saddam did not die in such a way. Saddam was an old man captured, having lost all power to resist, presenting no danger to anyone. That is to say, he had already become an ordinary person, defenseless, posing no danger whatsoever in the real world. The life of this ordinary Saddam should be respected. Of course he was guilty of serious crimes, and to not hold him accountable would be an affront to justice. But for Saddam, to have lost his power and be held captive was already the gravest of indignities, was already the best of all possible forms of retribution. What need was there to make him pay by robbing him of his life?
For an old man with one foot in the grave to be marched up on the gallows is a most inhumane act, however one looks at it — it’s not something that I can accept. Notwithstanding, many of my friends believe Saddam’s hanging will become the nightmare troubling despots everywhere, and therefore accelerate the process of democratization – or, in other words, the flower of democracy can be nourished only with the blood of despots. This sort of logic may seem airtight at first glance, but I’ve always found it specious.
Why do we need democracy? Or, why is democracy preferable to despotism? There are many reasons, but the most important reason of all is that despotism destroys humanity, that the rule of despotism turns human beings into beasts. Under despotism no one is secure, anyone may, at any time, be preyed upon, and people live in a state of fear. Not so with democracy. Democracy upholds humanity, because under democratic systems, life itself becomes the most precious value of society, and intruding on the life of another becomes the greatest evil and is prohibited. The life of each person receives the strictest protection of the law.
Democracy does not relish the blood of despots, but rather cherishes every drop of blood. This is what separates democracy from despotism. Of course there have been democracies in history [or democratic movements] that have not cherished blood [IE, in which blood was shed], as with the French Revolution, as with the Russian Revolution. Whether it is democracy that does not respect every drop of blood, or democracy that does not respect human life, or democracy marked by violence, all lie just to one side of despotism. It is simply a question of one man’s despotism versus a regime of collective political violence.
Democracy does not trade blood for blood, or seek to slake every thirst for revenge. An eye for an eye, this ancient concept of revenge, long ago became incompatible with modern civilization, and is not what we should seek. The idea that we must fight against evil with everything in our power cannot bring us true fairness and justice, but in fact will lead only to the plundering of morality and reason, multiplying violence by violence, bringing about civil strife. Democracy stresses humanity. Democracy also stresses clemency, stresses compromise. Yes, crimes must be accounted. But accounting for crimes does not mean asking for blood. Taking the example of Saddam, life imprisonment would have been in keeping with the principle of holding him to account, would not have prevented justice, and would also have meant sparing his life, showing the high moral values of moderation and compromise. Is this not the best of both worlds — virtuous and wise? To not employ such well-advised policies, to insist that Saddam pay with his blood to lay the foundations of democracy in Iraq. This extreme mode of action is, in my view, unbefitting to the work of creating a democracy in Iraq.
In an age of fairness — even if he was a despot, and so long as he has lost all power to harm others — we should give him the benefit of the doubt. If Saddam had been handled in such a way, this would have made a good demonstration to other despots, warning them stop the killing and change their evil ways. But sadly this opportunity has already been lost. Perhaps because of this other despots will resort to further extremes, and the price paid by the process of democratization will be even more serious. Therefore, in my view, the death of Saddam is not only an unhappy note for democracy in Iraq, but equally an unhappy note for the world.

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“Saddam’s Regret, Iraq’s Progress”
Xu Yiwei (余以为)
Southern Metropolis Daily
January 4, 2007, A2

The wild image of a Saddam captured, who had not committed suicide, made many of Saddam’s sympathizers lose hope. Now that he has quietly gone to his death, Saddam can be said to have regained some of the dignity he lost with his capture. Saddam knew the death penalty was unavoidable. His only regret was that they did not opt for a form of execution in which his blood would be spilt.
In contrast to Saddam’s own regrets, yesterday’s essay by Xiao Shu in this esteemed newspaper, “Must the Flowers of Democracy Be Nourished With Blood?”, seems far too poetic. Saddam was hanged, and his blood was not spilt. I emphasize this not only because Saddam demanded before the court to be executed by firing squad (shedding blood), but because before Saddam was captured he had an opportunity to take his own life but did not wish to inter himself in earth stained with his own blood.
There are many forms of execution, from Japan’s dissection of living people, to ancient China’s beheading, cutting of victims in half at the waist, splitting of people by horse carts, the inflicting of 4,200 death cuts. We should all be familiar with these from our school history textbooks. The replacement of execution by firing squad with lethal injection is still going on, and is a process not yet completed. To use a comparatively civilized method, taking all possible care to ensure the criminal’s dignity in executing Saddam, represents major progress for Iraq. Iraq’s national dignity was also restored through the process of this sentencing, as the decision of Iraq’s special court was respected.
For the Iraqi government to resume the capital punishment that Saddam abused during his rule, and to which the American, British and U.N. forces put an end, is criticized in those countries where the death penalty is already a thing of the past. While Iraq has returned to rule of law for only a short time now, the openness of the trial process, their serious treatment of capital punishment (requiring the president’s signature) and relatively moderate way of carrying it out, should be praised and studied.
Democracy doesn’t seek perfection. The cleanliness of democracy is only a mirage in the process of democratization. What democratization requires is rationality.

[Posted by David Bandurski, January 9, 2006, 1:25pm]

January 2 – January 9, 2007

January 2 — A new local regulation designed to combat official corruption and abuse of duty took effect in Henan’s capital city of Zhengzhou, making specific mention of watchdog journalism, or “supervision by public opinion” (舆论监督), as a key form of monitoring. The ordinance designates a range of areas — a “region of priority supervision” — for monitoring of government behavior by prosecutors and the press. These include, among others, official expenditures (treating of guests, etc), and the levying of educational fees.
January 5 — A number of media reports in China discussed the growing popularity of new “ID generation” software among Chinese Internet users, suggesting users might be finding ways around the proposed real-name registration system even before it has been implemented.
January 5 — Southern Metropolis Daily, a commercial spinoff of Guangdong’s official Nanfang Daily, called for Chinese leaders to strike a pact with domestic media similar to that it announced recently with foreign media, which have been promised greater access in the run up to the 2008 Olympic Games. In a page 2 editorial, the newspaper sought to dovetail the notion of a freer domestic press with Chinese President Hu Jintao’s social policy of the “harmonious society”, saying that if “this [concept of] ‘constructive and cooperative partnership’ were extended the government’s relationship with domestic media, this would … allow the media to take a more active and professional role in the building of a harmonious society”.
January 7 — Chinese media continued to reflect back on the jailing of journalist Gao Qinrong, who was released recently after eight years in prison. [Coverage from ESWN].

Southern Metropolis Daily calls for a domestic “partnership” between government and media

Carrying its recent tradition of outspoken editorial writing into 2007, Southern Metropolis Daily today offered backhanded praise for the State Council’s “constructive” relationship with foreign media and said the same relationship should apply to domestic media. [pdf_editorial-on-domestic-partnership_smd.pdf: Today’s A2 editorial page in Southern Metropolis Daily].
The editorial, again a case of jieti fahui (or using the opportunity afforded by an official pronouncement to make one’s own point), followed a statement by Cai Wu, a minister of the State Council Information Office, on December 28 in which he said foreign reporters were welcome in China and that the government viewed them as “constructive and cooperative partners”.
The editorial also sought strategically to dovetail the notion of a freer domestic press with Chinese President Hu Jintao’s social policy of the “harmonious society”, saying that if “this [concept of] ‘constructive and cooperative partnership’ were extended the government’s relationship with domestic media, this would … allow the media to take a more active and professional role in the building of a harmonious society”.
The editorial follows in full:
“Government and Media Should Be Partners in Cooperation”
Southern Metropolis Daily
January 5, 2007, A2
2006 has passed, and the echoes of promise give us cause to anticipate more bright things to come. For the media, the new relationship State Council Information Office minister Cai Wu has forged between the Chinese government and international media is a self-confident, professional and worldly action. If this brilliance shines in all directions, touching domestic media too, this will earn worldwide respect for the position of Chinese media.
According to the Chinese News Service, Information Office head Cai Wu announced that China would relax its restrictions on foreign media reporting activities in China, that it would explain Chinese policies and release information “as quickly and accurately as possible” through a more comprehensive and normalized press announcement system. Moreover, [Mr. Cai said] contacts for press spokespeople would be publicized for media and society, allowing spokespeople to “go out” and directly meet with reporters and answer questions. He said China would better accommodate the trends of globalization, internationalization and information exchange, taking the initiative in providing the public and media with authoritative and accurate information.
This active initiation of a new strategy for media meets international practice and displays self-confidence. It is also beneficial in molding the image of a China opening up. Of course, the thing to most take notice of is this new conceptualization of the relationship between the government and the media. Cai Wu described the relationship of the Information Office with foreign media as one of “constructive and cooperative partnership”.
“Constructive” means Chinese officials recognize foreign media play a positive role in constructing an image of China and advertising its policies, and that they no longer view them [foreign media] entirely as vehicles for disparaging [China] with negative news. “Cooperative” means Chinese government officials will “not be afraid of having contact with media”, that they will help media to carry out reporting in a public, transparent and timely way, avoiding the release of inaccurate, incomplete or false information by foreign media. “Partnership” means the government and the media are on equal terms, that there are no hierarchies of status but rather mutual respect and responsibility.
Viewing the international media in such a broad-minded and rational way is sure to draw the respect of the world. It goes without saying that this policy will have a major affect on China once it goes into effect … and [the policy] has already been reported widely and with enthusiasm by international media.
If this [concept of] “constructive and cooperative partnership” were extended the government’s relationship with domestic media, this would not only gain more respect for China internationally, but would also allow the media to take a more active and professional role in the building of a harmonious society. Speaking in terms of their abilities as media, there is fundamentally no difference between domestic and international media — both are fast, accurate ways to transmit various kinds of information, particularly concerning government affairs, letting the people know the true state of things and the true meaning of policies. If the government uses domestic media as a professional and duty-bound equal partner, then many of the careless remarks of Western media about China will disappear automatically.
Actually, domestic media are more constructive than international media. In the first place, domestic media do not have an ideological and cultural gap with the government, and share with the government a lofty sense of responsibility to protect the country and the interests of the people. For this reason there’s no need to set up defenses, and even less need to worry about impure motives. Moreover, the media can be more comprehensive and in-depth than the government in gathering of facts about society. What they see and feel (their news reports and editorials) not only help the people better understand the situation at the national, provincial and city levels, but also can inform the government in a timely way about what is going on in society, serving as a reference for officials in making government policy. If the government relaxes its hand and allows the media to independently realize a professional spirit, then many of the crooked paths of contemporary history will be avoided, not to mention numerous accidents in everyday life.
In the same way, domestic media have greater capacity than international media to “cooperate” with the government. After going through decades of opening and reform experience and political training and experience, domestic media are no longer colored with a Lu Xun-style critical complex, nor do they blindly admire the West. Rather they deal more with the concrete matters of their work, meeting all manner of social problems and breaking news with seriousness, pursuing the truth. They are most contented when employing their own professional vision and a spirit of reason to help the government solve all sorts of social problems, when they raise public confidence by getting an accurate grasp of policy and the facts. In terms of their value orientation and the fundamental interests of the people, the government and the media are in fact united — and this is especially the case in China.
Right now what we need to work harder to redefine [“recreate”] is the question of the [relative] standing of government and the media. In China, the political system determines that government and the media are intimate “partners”. But for reasons of historical legacy, the media’s subordinate status has meant it cannot carry out news reporting and commentary in a professional and timely way. As a result it happens that media are in the doubly embarrassing position of [A] not being able to transmit the government’s will quickly and in an easily understandable fashion and [B] not being able to provide an accurate picture of government policies. When public confidence in the media is weak this actually damages public confidence in the government. If the government relaxes its hand and allows the media to use their own principles to carry out reporting and the transmission of information, this will go a long way toward promoting government effectiveness in dealing with change [emergencies, etc] and the accuracy of government policies. At the same time it will help the government more quickly and comprehensively understand the political situation and the will of the people, making [relevant] policies and promoting the project of building a harmonious society. (The writer is a journalist).

[Posted by David Bandurski, January 5, 2007, 6:20pm]

Chinese media: “personal ID generation tool” could undermine real-name registration on the Web

There’s been hardly a peep about the proposed real-name registration system for the Web in China since the chairman of the Internet Society of China, charged with creating the system, stepped out on November 28 to calm fears such a system would violate personal privacy. Officials have said the system is necessary to enforce “responsible” Web use in China and combat such behavior as online character attacks and fraud.
But a ripple of recent reports about new “ID generation” software in China suggests Web users might be finding ways around the real-name system even before it’s been rolled out.
The so-called “personal ID generation tool” (身份证生成器) software, available online for more than a year now, has become one of the hottest downloads on the Chinese Internet in recent months, according to Chinese media reports. The tool enables Web users to generate personal IDs that allow them to bypass real-name registration fields.
The tool is currently being used by online game players who either do not wish to offer up their personal information or are under the legal age required for certain games. But experts have said, according to Guangzhou’s Yangcheng Evening News, that the software could pose a major challenge to a broader real-name registration system for the Chinese Internet, the kind of system the ISC is in the process of creating.
Mr. Huang, an expert at a Hebei-based technology firm, told the Yangcheng Evening News ID generation tools were being downloaded at record rates because users were concerned about personal privacy as the practice of requiring one’s personal ID number became more and more widespread in China.
In a news story posted on China Central Television’s international Website, a reporter watched an online forum as a user with the alias “Minnow” posted the request: “I want to register an account to play online games. Who can loan me an ID number?” Within five minutes a user with the alias “Master-Hand” had posted a link to a site where “Minnow” could download a personal ID generation tool. Speaking with the reporter via the forum, “Minnow” said he was 14 years old and wanted to play online games against the wishes of his parents, whose ID’s (and supervision) would ordinarily be required for online games.
According to Chinese authorities, the use of personal ID generation tools constitutes forgery and is punishable by law, with fines of between 200 and 1,000 yuan and up to 10 days detention, Yangcheng Evening News reported.
MORE LINKS:
‘Personal ID Generation Tool’ Becomes Hot Download, Challenges ‘Real-Name System‘”, ChinaNews.com.cn
Appearance of Personal ID Generation Tool Means Real-Name System Serves Practically No Function“, CCTV.com
[Posted by David Bandurski, January 5, 2007, 12:25pm]

Propaganda discipline 宣传纪律

According to the CCP’s Party constitution: “The Party’s publications must, without condition, publicize the Party line, course, policy, and political views. On highly political matters of policy and theory on which the Party has already passed down decisions, Party members may express their own opinions according to accepted organizational procedures. However, under no circumstances may they make statements against the policy decisions of the Party, whether through publications, broadcasts or other public means. Nor may they disseminate among the public any opinions contrary to the Party line, course, policy or political views. This is the Party discipline”. The Propaganda Bureau may at various times send down varying editions of “propaganda discipline.” Moreover, various media organizations may also set down their own “propaganda discipline.” Generally speaking, “violations of discipline” include “opposing the Four Basic Principles” (of Deng Xiaoping ), “opposing the basic theory, course and creed of the Chinese Communist Party,” “opposing major policies of the Party and the nation,” “endangering national unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity,” “fomenting hostilities against the government, upsetting social order and destroying social stability,” “Broadcasting political rumors, insults or defamation, or smearing the reputation of the Party, the nation or its leaders,” “propagating cult practices,” “revealing [State] secrets,” “reporting news of floods, epidemics, earthquakes or nuclear incidents in violation of regulations,” etc. Those found to “violate discipline” are referred to the Central Disciplinary Committee and various administrative units the according to the specific nature of their crimes (See notice: “Regulations on Punishment of Violators of Propaganda Discipline at Television and Broadcast Organizations,” issued by the State Administration of Radio Film & Television, 2002) [国家广电总局印发《广播电视播出机构工作人员违反宣传纪律处分处理暂行规定》的通知 广发纪字[2002]423号].