Hong Kong was a city of contrasts on July 1. Just hours after the territory’s new chief executive, Leung Chun-ying (梁振英), was sworn into office amidst festivities of commemoration, a massive and orderly public demonstration clamored for Leung’s resignation, calling him a “wolf in sheep’s clothing” — representing the interests of the Chinese Communist Party, not those of the Hong Kong people.
Not surprisingly, the 15th anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to Chinese sovereignty, which coincided with the swearing in of Leung and his cabinet, brought the contrasts between media in China and Hong Kong into sharper focus as well.

[ABOVE: Hong Kong residents turn out in the tens of thousands to call for greater democracy and the protection of civil rights, and to oppose the appointment of Leung Chun-ying as the territory’s next chief executive. Photo by Sara Yurich.]
Media in Hong Kong did report on the demonstrations, with coverage of the numbers topping the front pages at many papers. Like this report in Ming Pao Daily:

On the 15th anniversary of the handover, as a new government came to office, it was met with the third-largest demonstration in recent years, with demonstrators directing their criticism at newly-appointed chief executive Leung Chun-ying. The demonstrators did not stop, facing up against the hot sun and continuing up to the commencement of the fireworks display [to commemorate] the handover. The celebratory sound of fireworks presented a biting contrast to the masses [of protesters] clad in black and white. March organizers said that 400,000 took to the streets, while police said that at the height there were 63,000 people. Estimates from academics were 98,000-112,000, or 70,000-90,000 (see related reports).
A survey commissioned by this newspaper from the University of Hong Kong revealed that less than 40 percent of those surveyed believe Leung Chun-ying is suited to serve as chief executive, and 55 percent believe that he [Leung] “intentionally disguised” modifications to his property.(see page 4).

[ABOVE: The July 2 edition of Hong Kong’s Ming Pao Daily leads with demonstrations against the new chief executive, and competing estimates of the numbers.]
Here are a few other front pages from Hong Kong, all giving prominence to the June 1 demonstrations. Notably, the South China Morning Post makes the contrast explicit, running two images of equal size — one of the swearing in of the new chief executive (at left) and another of the demonstrations.

[ABOVE: Take your pick. The July 2 edition of Hong Kong’s South China Morning Post leads with demonstrations in the territory and the swearing in of its new chief executive.]
The Apple Daily, another of Hong Kong’s top newspapers, decides to use the estimate of demonstration participants given by the organizers — 400,000. There is no mention on the front page of competing estimates, as seen in Ming Pao Daily.

[ABOVE: The July 2 edition of Hong Kong’s Apple Daily leads with demonstrations.]
Not all Hong Kong papers led with coverage of the demonstrations, however. Ta Kung Pao and Wen Wei Po, both newspapers aligned with the government in China, led with the swearing in of Leung in the presence of Chinese President Hu Jintao, with large images of the ceremony set off by China’s national flag.
The papers put the primary focus on Hu Jintao’s speech, in which he outlined his “four hopes” for Hong Kong.

[ABOVE: The July 2 edition of Hong Kong’s Wen Wei Po leads with the swearing in of Hong Kong’s new chief executive.]
The Oriental Daily News also led with Chinese President Hu Jintao and the swearing in of Leung and his cabinet. Above the main headline, “Hu Jintao Lays Out Governance Direction for Hong Kong,” the paper also turned attention to President Hu’s warning about meddling by “external forces,” one of the more hardline notes in his official commemoration speech.
Hu said: “[We must] adhere to and implement a fully accurate ‘one country two systems’ policy, acting in strict accord with [Hong Kong’s] Basic Law, combining the priorities of upholding ‘one country’ while respecting differences in the ‘two systems,’ preserving the authority of the central Party and ensuring a high-level of autonomy in the Special Administrative Region, preserving overall national interests and ensuring various interests within Hong Kong society, supporting Hong Kong in actively developing international exchanges and opposing interference in Hong Kong affairs by outside forces . . .

[ABOVE: The July 2 edition of Hong Kong’s Oriental Daily News leads with the swearing in of Hong Kong’s new chief executive.]
Media in mainland China leave us little to talk about. They were entirely dominated by official stories from Xinhua News Agency and China Central Television. They emphasized the formalities of the day, giving the most prominent coverage again to Hu Jintao’s speech, in which he voiced “four hopes” for Hong Kong and its people.
The following is a selected translation of Hu’s speech as posted to People’s Daily Online:

“Four Hopes for the New Hong Kong SAR Government and Various Walks of Society”
July 1, 2012
Compatriots, friends! As we fully affirm the massive achievements since Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty 15 years ago, we also clearly see that Hong Kong society still has a number of deep-level tensions and problems. The next five years will have an important impact on the long-term development of Hong Kong. It is an important period of opportunity that must be fully grasped and during which differences can be made. Standing here, I express four hopes to the new government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and to various walks of [Hong Kong] society.
First, [that Hong Kong] works hard to promote the stability and harmony of society. Harmony and stability are the foundation of development, and improving people’s lives is the basis of harmony and stability. The government of the Hong Kong SAR must abide by the vision of people-based governance, accurately grasping public opinion and the mood of society, adopting practical and effective measures to actively and reliably resolve the livelihood issues of the people and other social tensions, paying greater attention to social fairness, paying greater attention to the weaker segments of society, giving greater care to the younger generation, so that all citizens can share in the fruits of development and raise their living standards.
All segments of Hong Kong society must set store by general interests, achieving the broadest sense of unity under the banner of love of country and love of Hong Kong, supporting with one heart the new government as it governs effectively by rule of law, working in common to raise the cohesiveness of Hong Kong society.
Second, [that Hong Kong] works hard to preserve the authority of the Basic Law. Rule of law is a core value of Hong Kong. The Basic Law is the highest law in the Hong Kong SAR, and the cornerstone of governance of Hong Kong by rule of law. . .
Third, [that Hong Kong] works hard to raise its competitiveness. If Hong Kong is to secure an unassailable position in the midst of increasingly fierce international and regional competition, it must makes strides in raising its own competitiveness. [We must] strengthen strategic plans for Hong Kong’s long-term development, better utilizing the role of the government in promoting economic and social development. . . At the same time, there must be better mutual cooperation with the mainland of the mother country (祖国内地) to promote sound development, deepening and expanding dialogue and cooperation between Hong Kong and the mainland of the mother country, promoting mutual advantage, mutual gain and common development.
Fourth, [that Hong Kong] works hard to strengthen the training of talent . . .

[ABOVE: On July 2, 2012, the homepage of People’s Daily Online is dominated by a headline about Hu Jintao’s “four hopes” for Hong Kong, which leads to a whole page of official coverage, with no mention at all of demonstrations.]
But according to another story in the July 2 edition of Hong Kong’s Ming Pao Daily, the 15th anniversary of the handover presented a contrast not just of media coverage, but also of media cultures.
As the flag-raising ceremony was held in Wan Chai’s Golden Bauhinia Square on the morning of July 1, the scene was (as could be expected) filled with local Hong Kong media clamoring to cover the story. Official Chinese state media were also there, including the state-run China Central Television.
About 10 minutes before the flag-raising ceremony was set to begin, the new chief executive arrived with his wife. The pair made the rounds, shaking hands and chatting with onlookers. Local news photographers and television reporters rushed around them.
As one photographer pressed through to get a shot, they were blocked by a reporter from China Central Television. CCTV was doing a live broadcast, the reporter explained, and everyone else needed to stay out of the shot.
The Hong Kong reporter fired back, in affirmation of his own rights and in flat denial of CCTV’s special privileges: “This is Hong Kong!”

The following post by Weibo user “Shuoshuzheyimei” (说书者一枚) sharing an essay on Bo Xilai’s politics and the Cultural Revolution by artist and writer Wang Sirui (王思睿) was deleted from Sina Weibo sometime before 6:38pm Hong Kong time yesterday, June 28, 2012. “Shuoshuzheyimei” currently has just over 41,000 followers, according to numbers from Sina Weibo. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

[The Tragedy of the Cultural Revolution Could be Repeated] I recommend everyone read this long microblog essay.

The post includes a text-as-image file, or chang weibo, with an essay by writer Wang Sirui (王思睿):

The original Chinese post follows:

【文革悲剧还有可能重新发生】推荐大家看看这篇长微博

NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

The following post by Hong Kong Economic Times reporter Lao Xianliang (勞顯亮) about riots earlier this week in Zhongshan, Guangdong province, was deleted from Sina Weibo sometime before 7:47am Hong Kong time today, June 29, 2012. Lao Xianliang, whose Weibo account is “Williamontheway”, has just over 9,300 followers, according to numbers from Sina Weibo. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].
Lao’s post included an image of coverage of the Zhongshan riots by Hong Kong’s Apple Daily, in which it is reported that a journalist with Apple Daily was attacked:

Apple Daily journalist attacked in Zhongshan.

The original Chinese post follows:

蘋果記者中山直擊

NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

In a case that recently drew intense interest on China’s internet, police in China’s northern Jilin province detained a man for 15 days and slapped him with a 3,000-yuan fine after they found a cache of “indecent” movies on the hard drive of his computer. Never mind that the search of the man’s home was about a totally unrelated matter. Faced with a tide of negative opinion online, the local police decided to reverse its punishment. The man would get his money back, but of course the damage was already done.
In China, we don’t have a ratings system for films and videos. That means that so long as the police or other authorities deem something to be pornographic or otherwise indecent, it is illicit. Technically, only the distribution of such materials is against the law. But try using that in the course of arbitrary enforcement. If unsavory DVDs are uncovered, or material is found on your computer, you can be punished whatever the explanation.
In the bigger picture, this man from Jilin province was very fortunate. Because his case happened to make the rounds on the internet and pressure was brought to bear, his punishment was revoked. But how many thousands of others meet a similar fate without any recourse whatsoever?
In developed countries, citizen’s residences — whether they are homes or hotel rooms — are sacrosanct. Without warrants from the courts, police are expressly forbidden from entering such places, and cases of unlawful search and seizure are serious crimes.
In our country, though, police can search wherever they please. Someone could burst right in while you’re sleeping sweetly and check your personal documents. In some places it’s a major problem if they discover a man and woman cohabiting without a marriage license. A big enough problem, anyhow, to merit a trip down to the police station.
In theory, if you’re in your own home but not in bed with your own partner, this too is a serious transgression. If, god forbid, several men and women were found together, this would be a major taboo, constituting the “crime of group licentiousness” (聚众淫乱罪).
Not long ago, someone informed police in the city of Nanjing that an assistant professor from a certain university was engaged in wife swapping. An investigation was carried out and he landed in prison.
If you’re watching sex videos in your own home, and watching them with your spouse, then the crime is somewhat lighter — and at the moment the risk of the police knocking down your door is minimal. But if you’re watching them with anyone else of the opposite sex and someone informs on you, there will definitely be trouble. Just as in the case of this man from Jilin, just finding videos on his computer was enough to detain and fine him, even though the police had no proof he had watched them with others, or even that he had watched them himself. And of course we still don’t know the nature of the videos and what standard of indecency was applied.
Our police can bully as they please.
Ultimately we must have a bit of privacy in this world of ours, secrets we don’t wish others to know. Sure, some things we keep in that private space of ours might not do us credit. But in China, unfortunately, this private space does not actually exist at all — particularly in the face of overbearing power.
In its insolence power views itself as the parents of the general population. Standing before the parents of power, the people must always be children, never growing up. They have the power to decide what you have a right to watch and what you don’t have a right to watch. They have the power to inspect your book bag, your bedroom and even your personal diary at will.
In the face of overbearing power, we are not a society of citizens. We are nothing more than ant people (蚁民), nothing more than shitizens (屁民).
Those who live under the constant threat of search, the constant threat of surveillance, have no real homes. They have only temporary lodgings, spaces where at any moment they might be harassed.
This essay is a translated and edited version of a post made to Zhang Ming’s personal weblog on June 19, 2012.

Earlier this year, police in the southern city of Guangzhou began producing decks of playing cards featuring Guangdong’s most-wanted criminal suspects, with the hope that the public would come forward with information about them. The new method resulted in many suspects coming forward and turning themselves in. In the this cartoon, posted by artist Tian Cheng (天呈) to Sina Weibo, a most-wanted criminal bows his head with contrition as he holds his own most-wanted playing card, the King of Clubs, over his head. His shadow trails behind him, making out the Chinese characters for “confession,” tanbai (坦白).

The following post by artist Huang Kui (黄奎) about riots earlier this week in Zhongshan, Guangdong province, was deleted from Sina Weibo sometime before 11pm Hong Kong time yesterday, June 27, 2012. Huang Kui has just under 26,000 followers, according to numbers from Sina Weibo. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].
Huang’s post, which provides a link to a video on Sina.com that was still available as of 12:36pm on June 28, reads cryptically:

Zhong – Shan – Sha – Xi – Video: http://t.cn/zWLDnMC

The video of the Zhongshan unrest is available here.

The original Chinese post follows:

中-山-沙-溪-视频：http://t.cn/zWLDnMC

NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

The following post by Xu Ji (许骥 ) about expected public protests in Hong Kong to commemorate the 15th anniversary of the territory’s return to China in 1997 was deleted from Sina Weibo sometime before 10:50am Hong Kong time today, June 28, 2012. Xu Ji, a well-known Chinese academic, has just under 24,000 followers, according to numbers from Sina Weibo. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].
The post reads:

It is said a powerful typhoon is expected to sweep across Hong Kong on July 1. How many people will take to the streets on that day? The time has come to test the people of Hong Kong!

It includes the following map showing the trajectory of the tropical storm.

The original Chinese post follows:

据说七一当日有强烈颱风过境香港。当天还会有多少人上街？考验香港人的时候到了！

NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

The following post by Ye Kuangzheng (叶匡政), sharing a post from low-volume Weibo user about the problem of urban benefits for migrants in China’s cities, was deleted from Sina Weibo sometime before 6:15am Hong Kong time today, June 27, 2012. Ye Kuangzheng, a well-known Chinese academic, has just over 141,000 followers, according to numbers from Sina Weibo. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].
The original post, from a user called “A_FloatingOnTheNorthWind_hkc” (@A北风飘飘_hkc), reads:

Chinese people have the right to move freely on their own home soil. Beijing is a city belonging to China, and I’ve been admitted here [for work], so a school desk should be provided for my child. It is right and unalterable for children to live with their parents!

The original Chinese post follows:

中国人有权在自己国土自由迁徙，北京属于中国的一个城市，这儿接纳了我，就应该给我孩子一张课桌，孩子随父母生活天经地义！

NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.