Author: David Bandurski

Now Executive Director of the China Media Project, leading the project’s research and partnerships, David originally joined the project in Hong Kong in 2004. He is the author of Dragons in Diamond Village (Penguin), a book of reportage about urbanization and social activism in China, and co-editor of Investigative Journalism in China (HKU Press).

Posts about protesting outside North Korean Embassy deleted

The following post by Tu Jia Ye Fu (土家野夫), a writer with more than 210,000 followers, was deleted from Sina Weibo sometime before 11:31am Hong Kong time today, May 23, 2012. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

I’d like to find the time to go to the doors of the North Korean Embassy in Beijing and protest. Ha! I’m not sure whether there are any patriots who would like to go along . . .

Tu Jia Ye Fu’s post refers to news earlier this week that Chinese fishermen were released from captivity after being held by two weeks by North Korean soldiers, who they say forced them to sign declarations saying they had been fishing in North Korean waters. The news has angered many Chinese, and has exposed rifts in relations between the two neighbors.
Tu Jia Ye Fu’s original Chinese post follows:

我想找时间去朝鲜驻北京使馆门前抗议一下,呵呵,不知道有没有爱国主义战士作陪……

Responding to Tu Jia Ye Fu’s post with a comment also deleted from Sina Weibo, another user wrote: “If you go yourself, you’ll become a patriotic warrior, right? I encourage you to go.”


NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

PLA official speaks out against "political liberalism"

Writing in the Liberation Army Daily (解放军报) today, Cai Weisu (蔡伟素), vice-minister of the logistics division for the Chengdu Military Region, spoke out against what he called “political liberalism,” calling for unquestioning obedience by CCP members and military personnel to “the policies, regulations and discipline demands of the Party.”
“Discipline is the guarantor of the line of the ruling Party, the lifeline of the armed forces and the Party,” Cai wrote.

Whether in the extreme hardship of revolution and war, or in the complicated era of peace and development, our Party and our armed forces must maintain strict political discipline, protecting the political stands of Party members and ensuring the thoroughness of the revolution. Today, every Party member must consciously defend the discipline and high position of the Party . . . struggling with a clear-cut stand against all that damages the unity of the Party, that violates the discipline of the Party, and that does harm to the basic interests of the Party. . .


Cai continued: “Party members and cadres must conscientiously study and grasp the the policies, regulations and discipline demands of the Party, not stepping on the ‘red line’ and not charging into ‘forbidden zones’. They must speak [the Party’s] politics (讲政治), obey commands and follow the rules, firmly opposing liberalism in politics, and they must not heed, trust or pass along hearsay, consciously subjecting their words and deeds to the restraint of policy and discipline..”
Two more portions of Cai’s editorial follow:

Strengthening our political consciousness and strictly observing political discipline are not abstract concepts, and even less empty slogans. Their importance lies in active practice, and their weight in experience and training. The words and actions of leading cadres all have an impact on the armed forces, and we must at all times keep cool heads, evincing in our actual work and concrete actions the principle of “in talking politics, having the interests of the whole nation at heart and having a strong sense of discipline.”
We must deeply study the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, closely integrating it with the realities of our armed forces, observing and handling issues while standing at the political heights, accurately seeing the various tensions and difficulties facing social development in our nation . . .


[ABOVE: An editorial in today’s Liberation Army Daily (highlighted in red by CMP) speaks out against “political liberalism.”]
Here are some comments made to a Sina Weibo post on the editorial by the official Weibo of Guangzhou’s Southern Metropolis Daily at 5:03pm:

(1) What is this all about? Are military orders not being followed? The military doesn’t dare go to the mats with foreign countries, except where folding quilts, marching and showing off regalia are concerned. Struggling internally, is that all they can do? It’s just a leadership handover [during the upcoming 18th Party Congress]. Is it necessary to get so worked up?
(2) So everything is for the interest of the Party? And the interests of the country and of the people, do they mean nothing?
(3) The brainwashing here is the same as in the property market.
(4) Officials want to preserve their so-called “authority” even if it means killing people! When will they understand respecting the interests of the people in their hearts, putting that first?
(5) Is Party discipline supreme, or the laws of the nation? So it seems the person who wrote this doesn’t understand the law?
(6) Dida, dida, dida, dida, in the silence of the night who do you talk to? // Comrade Huang Keqiang once said: “During the war of resistance against the Japanese, Chairman Mao used radio . . . to direct us, dida dida [like clockwork].” ‘Dida dida’ means carrying out [orders] without condition, without supervision by anyone.
(7) The dida back in Mao Zedong’s day had the people at heart. The roar of detonation heard today is the people’s homes crashing to the ground [being demolished for development].
(8) It’s all about the changeover of leadership! Every day now they send out these public opinion offensives, these people with the courage of rats! It’s laughable! This shows that there are ghosts in their hearts!
(9) I don’t understand a word this paper that protects the Party says.
(10) Glory to the army that protects the Party! Glory to Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping!

Eating Your Charitable Red Heart Out

In May 2008, when a devastating earthquake struck Sichuan province, killing at least 68,000 people, Chinese society sprang into action. Many people volunteered their time to help earthquake ravaged regions in west China, and many others donated money to support relief and reconstruction efforts. China also happened at that time to be in the midst of a nationalistic fervor as many Chinese looked ahead with pride to the Beijing Olympics and the country suffered much international criticism for its policies in Tibet. One common gesture of national pride and support in China in 2008 was to post red hearts online, the red heart being a mixed and loaded symbol from China’s Communist past signifying national unity but also (at least potentially) support of the government the Party. This month as China passed the fourth anniversary of the Sichuan earthquake on May 12, there was speculation that much of the money donated for earthquake relief had never reached the areas affected. Further, no officials have been held accountable, four years on, for the death of schoolchildren in shoddy school buildings, despite Premier Wen Jiabao’s initial pledge to hold corrupt leaders to account. In this cartoon by artist Kuang Biao (邝彪), shared across Chinese social media, Kuang depicts the Party (inferred by the style of the jacket) as a ravenous crocodile devouring a plate heaped with bleeding red hearts, symbolizing the unbridled greed of unchecked power misusing the goodwill of the public. The crocodile is pouring the red hearts out of a box labeled “5.12”, for May 12, 2008, the day of the quake.

China: too much "negative" news, or too little?

Late last week we wrote about the latest hardline editorial in the Beijing Daily, the official “mouthpiece” of the city-level Party leadership in Beijing, an ideological attack on the concept of “freedom of speech” that singled out “certain commercial newspapers and magazines” in China for exaggerating social and political problems in the country.
Over the past few days, the Beijing Daily editorial has sparked a small-scale debate in China’s media about the role of the press. Here we include a translation of one of the more interesting responses, this one a letter written in to Southern Metropolis Daily — no doubt one of the papers Beijing Daily had in mind as a regular trouble-maker.

Which Media are Creating Misunderstanding?
Page A2
Ma Changjun (马长军)
On the question of whether or not media reports on food safety have created a sense of fear and anxiety, we have recently had two media expressing different views on this issue. Beijing Daily says that quite a few report lately — on food safety, doctor-patient conflicts, construction quality, official corruption and other issues — have been built up by the media, giving the impression that all food in China is “poisonous”, the all buildings are “tofu architecture,” that all public officials are corrupt, and suggesting that social tensions are growing ever more severe and prospects for development are grim. “In fact,” the newspaper said, “this is just a mistaken impression created by various media.”
The Xinhua Daily Telegraph responded with an editorial called, “Expert Opinion Helps Calm ‘Food Panic'” (专业舆论有助于消除“吃的恐慌”). The editorial argued that “facing problems head on is the basis of resolving problems, and media reporting on food safety issues is a form of monitoring by public opinion and monitoring by society that should be encouraged” (New Express, May 19).
Naturally, the fact that such issues as food safety, doctor-patient conflict, construction quality and official corruption have become public opinion hotspots has to do with media reports. But if there were no media reports, would these problems be any less obvious or serious? No one lives in a vacuum, and the various problems we come upon were not created because of media reports. Sometimes, naively, I’m even of a mind to feed information to the media! Which is to say, I think there are far too few media reports on negative issues.
The reason I don’t feed information to the media is because the problems I come across are insufficiently “classic.” Many are things the media has reported before . . . Like the private use of public vehicles, [officials] eating at public expense, corruption in building or engineering projects — things that if the media worked up “negative” reports about them they would never see any end to reporting.
Things like official bribery, corruption in building or engineering projects, the building of massive government complexes against regulations, the use of [public assets] by the wives of officials, all of these are things the media have no need to manufacture — they are things we all know to be facts.
Many officials’ nicknames all have to do with money, and official mistresses are countless. Before officials are investigated [for corruption], there are no reports [about their activities] in the media. If media reports always come out only after official information [on their cases] has been released, how can media be blamed for embellishment? No one can deny that the gossip in the streets is far richer and far more engaging than what we see in media reports. So is it the case that media have infected the public mind, or that real and actual issues have unsettled the public.
Epidemic disease does not spread because doctors diagnose it, it spreads because that is its nature.
As to whether or not food is “poisonous” or buildings are “tofu architecture”, whether or not officials are corrupt or social tensions are getting worse, or as to how our development prospects are, I think everyone is clear in their own hearts. I don’t at all think that media are manufacturing some misunderstanding that says things are all negative. Quite the contrary, I worry that people begin throwing up their hands and accepting the chaotic state of things because the abnormal is so prevalent all around us that this or that problem just becomes a joke, and no one bothers to take part [in finding solutions].
So I think we have far from enough reporting by the media of various ugly things [in our society]. Many reports are belated, having no real value as supervision by public opinion [i.e., watchdog journalism helping to expose problems]. When there is an accident and the reporter runs back [to the newsroom] with an official press release to put out, who are they fooling? The media need to get more fully into the details [of stories] in order to excite people’s distaste for and even bitter hatred of unfairnesses, reminding us all that we must not yield to unfairness and cruelty, that we must not be polluted by it. In this way we will be moved to prevent wickedness together! Can this be called a “misperception”?
If media have more courage in reporting various problems, then we can expose them while they are only germinating, so that wickedness has no place to hide. If the strength of supervision by public opinion can be truly exploited, I’m confident that this will encourage the public to participate more in the building of a good society.

Who is Beijing Daily speaking for?

The Beijing Daily is on a tear. Earlier this month, the paper — the official daily run by the capital’s top Party leadership — led the propaganda charge against the U.S. for its involvement in the case of blind lawyer Chen Guangcheng (陈光诚). Earlier this week, the paper embarrassed itself with a mean-spirited call for U.S. Ambassador Gary Locke to disclose his personal assets, which in fact have already been disclosed.
Today, the Beijing Daily is beating its drums again, this time openly attacking what it characterizes as the “poison” of the “so-called ‘freedom of speech’ of the West.”
An editorial in the the paper today criticizes “commercial newspapers and magazines” in China — that would be the likes of Southern Metropolis Daily, Caixin Media, Shanghai’s Oriental Morning Post, etcetera — of being infected with a Western notions of journalism that they do not sufficiently understand.
The editorial argues further that the Western concepts of the media’s role do not suit China’s unique “circumstances”.
“Chinese media must sing the main theme,” the editorial said, a reference to the media’s role as propaganda vehicles for the CCP. “This is determined by China’s political system, and accords with the realities of China as a nation of 1.3 billion people. The fact is that for China to develop it must maintain social stability, and it must create a public opinion environment conducive to stability.”
Interestingly, searches for “Beijing Daily” on Sina Weibo have again been disabled, after being restored earlier this week. This has to lead us to wonder how factionalism within the Party might actually be playing out right now through the Beijing Daily. In other words, we could be witnessing the low-level competition of factional propaganda and media control.


[ABOVE: A search for “Beijing Daily” at 10:50am, May 18, 2012, returns a message that reads: “According to relevant laws, regulations and policies, the search results for ‘Beijing Daily’ cannot be shown.”]
A partial translation of the Beijing Daily editorial follows:

HEADLINE in Beijing Daily: “The Social Role of the Media is to Sing the Main Theme” (唱响主旋律是中国媒体的社会责任)
HEADLINE on QQ.com: “Media Fondness for Negative Reports is a Poisoning by Western Concepts” (媒体热衷负面报道是受西方观念蛊惑)
May 18, 2012
Lately, among the so-called news reports that have attracted people’s eyes, many have been negative reports — food safety issues, conflicts between doctors and patients, construction quality issues, official corruption. Issues like these have appeared in an endless stream. With the build up made by the media, it has seemed that all food in China is “poisonous”, all construction projects are “tofu architecture”, all public officials are corrupt, all social tensions are unusually severe, and our development path ahead is dark and troubled.
. . .
For some time, these sorts of reports have been a trend among certain domestic media, particularly prevalent among certain commercial newspapers and magazines (小报小刊). They enthusiastically disseminate negative, extreme and provocative speech, full of rampant speculation and scandal. They pursue low-brow novelty, and push inciting information, all in order to attract eyeballs. The emergence of this phenomenon has happened partly because of the influence of the so-called “freedom of speech” (新闻自由) of the West, and partly out of the pursuit of profit, with a mind to earning vulgar applause — forsaking the ethical bottom line of the media.
For some time, those Western concepts of journalism and news have been savored sweetly by some. Some media workers (媒体工作者) even suggest that the Western ideas like “freedom of speech” and the “fourth estate” are golden rules and precious precepts. In their eyes, publicizing the development achievements of the nation is “false,” and exposing darkness and misery is an expression of “social responsibility”. In fact, they don’t even understand views of the news in the West. In the two-party and multi-party political environments of the West, different media have different political standpoints, and for the sake of obtaining leadership opportunities, they blow with negative news, raking up bad things about their opponents . . .
Our national situation is different from that of the West, and imitating these “squid-like tactics” (乌贼战术) will only break up and divide social consensus, to the disadvantage of creating a harmonious social environment.
What Chinese society needs is not these media who indiscreetly criticize under the banner of “objective reporting.” Rather, we need media that are responsible and reliable, that truly protect the fundamental interests of the nation, the public and the Chinese peoples.
. . . Chinese media must sing the main theme. This is determined by China’s political system, and accords with the realities of China as a nation of 1.3 billion people. The fact is that for China to develop it must maintain social stability, and it must create a public opinion environment conducive to stability. This is where the responsibility of Chinese media lies, and it is also where the fundamental interests of the people of our country lies.

Protecting rights, checking power . . . but how?

We are now anywhere from five to seven months away from China’s 18th Party Congress, to be held, presumably, later this year. And earlier this week, we had our first clues through China’s official media of how the agenda of political reform might be addressed by Party leaders at this important political session.
On May 14, the Party’s official People’s Daily newspaper ran a full page of coverage of political reform, generally referred to in China as “political system reforms”, or zhengzhi tizhi gaige (政治体制改革). That’s zhenggai (政改) for short.


In terms of breadth and boldness, the People’s Daily series is nothing to write home about. Most of the language is a song of self congratulation from China’s leaders about the progress they say they have already made on political reform.
On issues many would regard as fundamental to substantive and meaningful political reform, the People’s Daily series seems to shut the door. It says quite explicitly, for example, that “the leadership of the Party must be upheld”:

In actively and steadily promoting political reform we must uphold the fundamental political system and basic economic system of our country. We must uphold as one the three [principles of] the leadership of the Party, the people as masters of their own country (人民当家作主), and governing of the country by rule of law.

The obvious problem — arguably the crux of reform itself — is the clear conflict between the first priority, the firm commitment to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, and the second and third priorities. Can there really be rule of law if Party leaders can manipulate the courts? And how is the mastery of the public to be exercised?
Hong Huang (洪晃), one of China’s most recognized media personalities and the publisher of iLook fashion magazine (with more than 4.7 million Sina Weibo followers), wrote in response:

Hmm. If there is no independent judiciary, it doesn’t matter how you reform, everything just ensures power and checks rights; it won’t protect rights and check power.
嗯,没有独立司法,不管怎么改,都只是保障权力,制约权利;不会是保障权利,制约权力。

Ren Zhiqiang (任志强), a well-known property developer with just under eight million followers on Sina Weibo, responded to Hung by adding:

The first step in political reform is separation of the Party and the government.
政治体制首先在党政分家。

A Shenzhen-based user scoffed at the reforms as treated by the People’s Daily:

Without separation of powers, how can [the Party] check [power]? Is it going to check itself? What a joke!
不三权分立,怎么制约?自己约束自己?笑话!

But the People’s Daily series was quite explicit in saying that China would “resolutely not imitate Western political forms”:

. . . [We] resolutely will not imitate Western political forms. Only by respecting [our country’s] national circumstances, and by proceeding step-by-step in an orderly way, will we be able to create new Chinese miracles, constantly reaping new self-confidence for our people.

That, it seems, would rule out separation of powers.
The one noteworthy phrase that stuck out in the People’s Daily series was “Preserving rights, checking power” (保障权利,制约权力). As CMP Director Qian Gang (钱钢) noted, this phrase, combining “preserving rights” and “checking power”, has appeared in just four articles in the People’s Daily since 2000, the last mention being in February 2010.
The prominent play given to the phrase in the May 14 series suggests that China’s leaders may be grooming it as a new political catchphrase. Look in particular at how the phrase is emphasized in the layout of the political reform page.


The grey squares at left and right on the page read, respectively, “preserving rights” and “checking power.”
We can possibly expect to see much more of this phrase as we approach the 18th Party Congress. But of course the substance of how these two principles might be achieved in practice is another matter entirely. And for now, at least, the People’s Daily offers no answers.
———-
THE FOLLOWING IS THE FULL TEXT OF THE MAY 14 PEOPLE’S DAILY SERIES ON POLITICAL REFORM:
本报北京5月13日电(记者黄庆畅)改革开放以来,特别是党的十六大以来,我国积极稳妥推进政治体制改革,取得重大进展。
人民民主权利得到充分保障。2004年“国家尊重和保护人权”写入我国宪法;2010年3月选举法修改,明确实行城乡按相同人口比例选举全国人大代表;到2010年底,我国形成了中国特色社会主义法律体系,这些都体现了我国充分保障人民民主权利的进程。2008年12月,中共中央转发《中央政法委员会关于深化司法体制和工作机制改革若干问题的意见》,提出60项改革任务,到今年上半年,司法体制机制改革取得重要阶段性成果。
基层群众自治健康发展。党的十七大报告把“基层群众自治制度”作为中国特色社会主义政治发展道路的重要内容,基层民主自治体系日趋完善。2010年,村民委员会组织法修改,确立了村务监督委员会制度,使民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督落到了实处。
人民有序政治参与热情高涨。为进一步扩大人民有序政治参与,我国确立了以政务公开打造“阳光政府”的思路,2008年颁布实施政府信息公开条例,各级人大“开门立法”、政府部门召开公共事务听证会成为常态,“三公经费”逐步公开,“网络问政”蓬勃发展,人民群众的知情权、参与权、表达权和监督权得以充分保障,人民实现了内容广泛的当家作主。
政府运行快步走向法制化规范化。党的十六大以来,我国先后于2003年和2008年集中进行了两次行政管理体制改革。国务院经过5次清理,共取消和调整行政审批事项2183项。行政复议和行政诉讼制度建设,让“民告官”成为现实;政府信息公开条例的实施,让政府逐渐适应在老百姓的监督下工作;领导干部和行政执法过错责任追究,给权力戴上了“紧箍咒”。2006年公务员法实施以来,全国有超过24万人通过竞争上岗走上了领导岗位,目前中央机关公开遴选公务员已由“试水”阶段转入正式实施阶段。
政治体制改革稳步推进(深化改革攻坚克难)
郑志文
积极稳妥推进政治体制改革,发展社会主义民主政治,是党和国家始终不渝的奋斗目标。改革开放以来,政治体制改革作为我国全面改革的重要组成部分,始终随着经济社会的发展不断深化,始终随着人民政治参与热情的提高不断深化,始终随着时代进步的潮流不断深化。
从党的领导体制逐步规范化、制度化,到以党内民主带动人民民主的实践;从大刀阔斧地推进机构改革,到建设、完善适应社会主义市场经济的行政管理体制;从废除领导干部职务终身制,到建立国家公务员制度;从实行基层群众自治,到实行城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表、扩大公民有序政治参与;从加强对权力运行的监督和制约,到建立和完善惩治与预防腐败体系……政治体制改革的不断推进,激发了全党全国各族人民的创造性、积极性和主动性,保持了党和国家活力,扩大了社会主义民主,健全了社会主义法制,促进了我国人权事业进步,促进了经济、政治、文化、社会的全面协调发展,为社会主义现代化事业提供了制度支撑和法治保障。
社会主义民主政治切实保障了人民当家作主的权利,同时又充分显示出最大限度地集中社会资源办大事的优越性。短短30多年时间,我国经济和社会发生了翻天覆地的变化,一跃成为世界第二大经济体,成为国际舞台上有影响力的大国,外界赞叹的“中国速度”、“中国奇迹”,正是中国特色社会主义政治发展道路强大影响力和生命力的生动证明,也是我国政治体制强大生命力和影响力的生动证明。
如果说“权力”和“权利”是民主政治的一体两面,那么近十年来,在政治体制改革的进程中,前者的被“监督制约”和后者的“充分保障”恰成鲜明对比,勾勒出政治体制改革的总体脉络。“制约权力”与“保障权利”的共同之处,在于保证人民当家作主,增强党和国家活力,调动人民积极性。
“制约权力”是指对公权力的监督制约。近十年来,一系列法律法规和规章制度的出台,从实体和程序两个方面,为公权力的运行提供制度框架、划定运行轨道。同时,依法治国、依法行政理念的不断深入人心、不断贯彻实施,也使“限权”成为政治体制改革的目标和出发点。
“保障权利”则是对公民权利的尊重和充实。一方面,人权事业不断推进,公民自身的财产安全和人身权利得到了更加完善的保护;另一方面,随着经济社会的发展,人民的知情权、参与权、表达权、监督权也得到了提升和保障,并以此为推动力,促进了立法、决策的科学化、民主化,成为广大人民依法行使参与管理国家、社会事务权利的重要抓手。
社会主义民主政治是一个吐故纳新的生命体,积极稳妥推进政治体制改革,必须坚持我国根本政治制度和基本经济制度,必须坚持党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国三者的统一,绝不照搬西方政治模式。只有尊重国情、循序渐进,我们才能不断创造新的中国奇迹,不断收获新的民族自信。
基层群众自治:“三委”并行(深化改革攻坚克难)
“以前是群众怕村干部干事,现在是怕村干部不干事”。这是浙江武义县白洋街道后陈村村民的真实感受。
后陈村位于城乡结合部。过去,由于村务管理不透明,重大决策不民主,一度造成村内矛盾重重,干群关系紧张,村民上访不断。2004年6月18日,后陈村在海选村委会的基础上,建立了全国第一个村级民主监督组织,由群众选举产生村务监督委员会,与村党支部、村委会一起称为“三委会”。村务监督特别是村级财务监督由监委会负责。
随着监委会的成立,后陈村开始了脱胎换骨的变化,不仅村固定收入逐年增加,而且村干部连续8年实现“零违纪”,村民连续8年实现“零上访”。村监委会成立至今,村两委已经顺利完成了3次换届。最近的一次换届,村两委成员一个没动,全部高票当选,一次通过。
目前,浙江省3万多个行政村,村村建立了村务监督委员会,实现了村级监督组织“全覆盖”。2010年,村务监督委员会这一制度创新被写进村民委员会组织法,开始在全国推行。
点评:基层群众自治是社会主义民主的直接体现,是当代中国最直接、最广泛的民主实践。它通过以村民自治为核心的农村基层民主和以居民自治为核心的城市基层民主,将人民民主渗透到社会生活的各个方面。
从一村一地的摸索试验,到全国范围的推广实施,以基层群众自治制度为代表的基层民主建设已经在我国遍地开花,每年的村(居)委会“海选”成为中国民主政治发展的特殊风景。而随着村民委员会组织法等法律和制度的建立和完善,我国的基层群众自治日益成熟和规范。今天,基层群众自治制度已经成为中国特色社会主义民主政治的重要支柱。
全国人大代表选举,实行城乡“同票同权”(深化改革攻坚克难)
康厚明是一位进城务工农民,他和朱雪芹、胡小燕一起,都因为“农民工”的身份当选为十一届全国人民代表大会代表,引起了很多人的关注。在今年3月份的全国两会上,康厚明看到“城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表”的规定,高兴地说,这是社会主义民主进程的重大进步!
今年3月14日,十一届全国人大第五次会议通过了《关于十二届全国人大代表名额和选举问题的决定》,规定十二届全国人大的代表将实行城乡按相同人口比例选举,按城乡约每67万人分配1名名额。据介绍,每67万人分配1名,是根据第六次全国人口普查数和2010年年底公安部公布的户籍人口数加权平均后作出的规定。
从1953年我国第一部选举法公布实施起到1995年之前,我国农村与城镇每一人大代表所代表的人口比例为8∶1。1995年,全国人大常委会修改选举法,将这一比例调整为4∶1。至2009年,城镇人口比重已达到46.6%。在这一背景下,“城乡同比”原则被明确下来。从8∶1到4∶1到1∶1,人们常说的“同票同权”在国家权力机关组成人员的选举中得以实现。
点评:人民代表大会制度是我国的根本政治制度,对这一制度加以不断地修改完善,是我国政治体制改革的重要组成部分。实行城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表,体现了实事求是、与时俱进的精神。如果说1953年8∶1的比例规定有助于保证工人阶级在各级人大代表中占相对多数,那么如今城乡“同票同权”,意味着随着我国城镇人口比重的变化,农村人口在选举及政治权利的实现上向宪法规定的平等原则迈出了实质性的一步。这一规定让农民代表的名额得到了制度保障,有助于营造更加公平和谐的社会环境。
开门立法有效体现公正性普惠性(深化改革攻坚克难)
2011年10月26日下午,《家用汽车产品修理、更换、退货责任规定》立法听证会在国家质检总局会议室举行。
“很幸运能被选到参与此次听证会,我将要说的每一句话都代表的是民声民意啊。”四川成都消费者代表张义说,“我在网上发帖、走访朋友、同事,和他们一起深入探讨研究《规定》条文,最终搜集归纳了12条建议和意见。”
除张义这样的消费者代表外,还有汽车生产厂商代表、经销商代表等以及质检总局法规司、质量司等部门的领导或工作人员,会议室中座无虚席。
“对于高昂的检测费用,应建立统一的基金,由汽车厂家交纳保证金。”“亟待设立独立的第三方鉴定机构。”在3个多小时里,代表们或从自己的维权经历,或从自身工作实际出发,逐条对《规定》提出疑问和改进建议。
代表纷纷表示,汽车“三包”立法是一个较为复杂的问题,听证会让多方意见有了交流的平台,必将对汽车“三包”规定的出台产生积极影响。
点评:法律是人民意志的体现。近年来,全国各地都在积极推行“开门立法”,拓展了百姓参与立法的渠道,激发了群众的积极性,不仅可以弥补或修正法律法规的不足或不当之处,而且改变以往“部门立法”所造成的立法部门化、部门利益化、利益法律化等现象,从而更好地实现法律法规的公正性和普惠性。
同时,“开门立法”也是一次政府与群众之间的互动,可以让政府更多更深地了解社情民意,使社情民意成为政府工作的导向;而尊重民意的政府工作也必定会在群众的热情参与中得到顺利的开展,实现最大的社会效益。
信息公开从“三公经费”切入(深化改革攻坚克难)
公开信息是政府的义务,申请政府信息公开是公民的权利。本着这样的想法,广东东莞市民梁杰将该市社保局告上了法庭,原因是他索要社保详细账单未果。
梁杰的底气,来自2008年5月1日正式实施的《政府信息公开条例》,其中明确规定:公民、法人或者其他组织还可以根据自身生产、生活、科研等特殊需要,向国务院部门、地方各级人民政府及县级以上地方人民政府部门申请获取相关政府信息。
政府信息公开,是我国政务公开的一个重要方面。近年来,各级政府的各项工作内容及进程都会及时公开,公民可以通过特定途径,如政务公开栏、政务公开网络等进行查询、监督。
“三公经费”公开,无疑是近年来老百姓最为关切的话题,也是政务公开的重要内容。2011年4月24日,科技部在财政拨款支出说明中率先以文字形式公布“三公经费”预算。此后,中央各部委纷纷效仿。
点评:“公开为原则,不公开为例外。”随着《政府信息公开条例》的实施,我国政府信息公开的工作机制不断完善,制度体系逐步健全,公开范围逐渐扩大,公开载体更加丰富。以信息公开为重点的政务公开,实现了政府更为直接地面对公众,公众更为清晰地了解政府的目标,不但让老百姓的知情权、参与权、表达权、监督权得以落实,也使建设“阳光政府”、“廉洁政府”、“高效政府”的步伐大大加快。
转变政府职能从行政审批制度改革突破(深化改革攻坚克难)
过去,办理项目开工手续一般需要一年以上,现在缩短到100天以内就可以完全办结。海南省设立了省政府政务服务中心,推行行政审批“三集中”(审批事项、审批权力、审批人员)的改革,行政审批的效率明显提高。
姚云亭是海南省杨浦开发区某工程项目的负责人,多年从事工程项目的报批工作。与以往不同的是,如今他在项目报批的过程中,“再也不必拿着一堆报批材料,今天去这个局、明天再去那个厅,需要在省一级审批的,直接把材料交到政务中心的窗口就行了,时间能节省一半。”姚云亭说。
自2008年以来,海南省在各厅局设立专门的行政审批办公室,将原来分散在各分管领导和业务处室的审批权力全部向该办公室集中,行政审批办公室及其工作人员成建制进驻中心,办公室主任就是首席代表。由此,将所有的审批要素集中于政务服务中心,成功解决了以往审批“久拖不决”的现象。
通过改革,34个政府部门的1240项行政审批事项先后进驻中心,中心还对每个审批项目编制办事指南,制订示范文本。
点评:行政审批制度改革,是我国行政管理制度改革的继续和深入,其根本在于,突破传统计划经济观念的束缚,增强社会主义市场经济的意识;突破部门既得利益的束缚,增强改革大局的意识;突破“官本位”思想的束缚,增强服务为先的意识。
近10年来,国务院部门经过5次清理,共取消和调整行政审批事项2183项,占原有总数的60.6%;各省、自治区、直辖市本级共取消和调整行政审批事项36986项,占原有总数的68.2%。行政审批制度改革已经成为转变政府职能、推进社会进步的重要突破口。
公务员管理机制日益规范(深化改革攻坚克难)
今年是我国公务员制度建立的第十九个年头,《公务员法》正式实施也已经6年了。
以《公务员法》为基础,我国已制定颁布了行政机关公务员处分条例,出台了公务员职务与级别、录用、考核、奖励、培训、调任、辞退、申诉等18个配套法规及9部专项处分规章。
在进入机制方面,坚持凡进必考,依法、科学、公平考录。2003年以来,全国共考试录用123万名公务员,2011年录用人数达到17万人。目前,中央机关和省级机关录用公务员,除部分特殊职位外,均从具有两年以上基层工作经历的人员中考录,并建立健全从村(居)党支部书记、大学生村官和工人、农民等基层一线人员中考录公务员制度。
在选任机制方面,大力推行竞争性选拔方式。《公务员法》实施以来全国有超过24万人通过竞争上岗走上了领导岗位,还开展了公开遴选公务员试点。
在激励机制方面,坚持定期奖励和及时奖励相结合。《公务员法》实施以来全国共对255万人次进行了嘉奖、对59万人次记了三等功、对5万人次记了二等功和一等功。
在退出机制方面,进一步规范和畅通了公务员队伍的“出口”,通过调出、退休、辞去公职、辞退、开除等方式,一大批公务员退出了公务员队伍。
点评:党的十六大以来,特别是《公务员法》正式实施的6年来,中国特色公务员法律法规体系基本形成,公务员管理机制日益健全,公务员的素质、能力和作风建设全面加强,公务员制度法制化规范化建设不断推进。实践证明:公务员制度从我国国情出发,与中国特色社会主义政治制度相适应,充分体现和反映了我国政治体制的特点和要求,具有十分鲜明的中国特色。
党的十六大以来政治体制改革大事记(深化改革攻坚克难)
2002年11月,党的十六大提出,必须在坚持四项基本原则的前提下,继续积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革,扩大社会主义民主,健全社会主义法制,建设社会主义法治国家,巩固和发展民主团结、生动活泼、安定和谐的政治局面。
2004年3月14日,十届全国人大二次会议通过《中华人民共和国宪法修正案》,“国家尊重和保障人权”写入宪法。
2004年3月22日,国务院印发《全面推进依法行政实施纲要》,提出经过十年左右坚持不懈的努力,基本实现建设法治政府的目标。
2004年9月9日,中共十六届四中全会审议通过《中共中央关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》,提出要把我们党建设成为科学执政、民主执政、依法执政的执政党。
2005年4月27日,十届全国人大常委会第十五次会议通过《中华人民共和国公务员法》,明确了公务员的9项基本义务和16项纪律规范。
2007年10月,党的十七大提出,坚定不移发展社会主义民主政治,明确政治体制改革作为我国全面改革的重要组成部分,必须随着经济社会发展而不断深化,与人民政治参与积极性不断提高相适应。
2008年3月11日,国务院公布第五次机构改革方案,除国务院办公厅外,国务院组成部门调整至27个。
2008年5月1日,《中华人民共和国政府信息公开条例》实施,县级以上各级人民政府和部门主动公开政府信息,并依公民或法人申请公开信息。
2008年5月13日,中共中央印发《建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系2008—2012年工作规划》,要求经过5年的扎实工作,建成惩治和预防腐败体系基本框架。
2008年12月,中共中央转发《中央政法委员会关于深化司法体制和工作机制改革若干问题的意见》,从优化司法职权配置、完善宽严相济刑事政策、加强政法队伍建设、改革司法保障体制等方面,提出60项改革任务。
2010年3月14日,十一届全国人大三次会议通过了修改后的选举法,明确实行城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表这一重要原则。
2010年10月,国务院发布《国务院关于加强法治政府建设的意见》,规定了提高行政机关工作人员特别是领导干部依法行政的意识和能力、加强和改进制度建设、坚持依法科学民主决策、严格规范公正文明执法、全面推进政务公开、强化行政监督和问责、依法化解社会矛盾纠纷等7个方面的任务。
2010年10月28日,十一届全国人大常委会第十七次会议修订通过《中华人民共和国村民委员会组织法》,新设村民监督委员会。
到2010年底,中国制定现行有效法律236件,行政法规690多件,地方性法规8600多件,中国特色社会主义法律体系已经形成,为依法治国提供了制度保障。
2012年3月14日,十一届全国人大五次会议通过刑事诉讼法修正案,写入尊重和保障人权等内容,同时完善了询问犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的规定,强化对侦查活动的监督。
2012年4月17日,《中共中央国务院关于分类推进事业单位改革的指导意见》公布,以进一步满足人民公益服务需求。
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本报北京5月13日电(记者黄庆畅)改革开放以来,特别是党的十六大以来,我国积极稳妥推进政治体制改革,取得重大进展。
人民民主权利得到充分保障。2004年“国家尊重和保护人权”写入我国宪法;2010年3月选举法修改,明确实行城乡按相同人口比例选举全国人大代表;到2010年底,我国形成了中国特色社会主义法律体系,这些都体现了我国充分保障人民民主权利的进程。2008年12月,中共中央转发《中央政法委员会关于深化司法体制和工作机制改革若干问题的意见》,提出60项改革任务,到今年上半年,司法体制机制改革取得重要阶段性成果。
基层群众自治健康发展。党的十七大报告把“基层群众自治制度”作为中国特色社会主义政治发展道路的重要内容,基层民主自治体系日趋完善。2010年,村民委员会组织法修改,确立了村务监督委员会制度,使民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督落到了实处。
人民有序政治参与热情高涨。为进一步扩大人民有序政治参与,我国确立了以政务公开打造“阳光政府”的思路,2008年颁布实施政府信息公开条例,各级人大“开门立法”、政府部门召开公共事务听证会成为常态,“三公经费”逐步公开,“网络问政”蓬勃发展,人民群众的知情权、参与权、表达权和监督权得以充分保障,人民实现了内容广泛的当家作主。
政府运行快步走向法制化规范化。党的十六大以来,我国先后于2003年和2008年集中进行了两次行政管理体制改革。国务院经过5次清理,共取消和调整行政审批事项2183项。行政复议和行政诉讼制度建设,让“民告官”成为现实;政府信息公开条例的实施,让政府逐渐适应在老百姓的监督下工作;领导干部和行政执法过错责任追究,给权力戴上了“紧箍咒”。2006年公务员法实施以来,全国有超过24万人通过竞争上岗走上了领导岗位,目前中央机关公开遴选公务员已由“试水”阶段转入正式实施阶段。
政治体制改革稳步推进(深化改革攻坚克难)
郑志文
积极稳妥推进政治体制改革,发展社会主义民主政治,是党和国家始终不渝的奋斗目标。改革开放以来,政治体制改革作为我国全面改革的重要组成部分,始终随着经济社会的发展不断深化,始终随着人民政治参与热情的提高不断深化,始终随着时代进步的潮流不断深化。
从党的领导体制逐步规范化、制度化,到以党内民主带动人民民主的实践;从大刀阔斧地推进机构改革,到建设、完善适应社会主义市场经济的行政管理体制;从废除领导干部职务终身制,到建立国家公务员制度;从实行基层群众自治,到实行城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表、扩大公民有序政治参与;从加强对权力运行的监督和制约,到建立和完善惩治与预防腐败体系……政治体制改革的不断推进,激发了全党全国各族人民的创造性、积极性和主动性,保持了党和国家活力,扩大了社会主义民主,健全了社会主义法制,促进了我国人权事业进步,促进了经济、政治、文化、社会的全面协调发展,为社会主义现代化事业提供了制度支撑和法治保障。
社会主义民主政治切实保障了人民当家作主的权利,同时又充分显示出最大限度地集中社会资源办大事的优越性。短短30多年时间,我国经济和社会发生了翻天覆地的变化,一跃成为世界第二大经济体,成为国际舞台上有影响力的大国,外界赞叹的“中国速度”、“中国奇迹”,正是中国特色社会主义政治发展道路强大影响力和生命力的生动证明,也是我国政治体制强大生命力和影响力的生动证明。
如果说“权力”和“权利”是民主政治的一体两面,那么近十年来,在政治体制改革的进程中,前者的被“监督制约”和后者的“充分保障”恰成鲜明对比,勾勒出政治体制改革的总体脉络。“制约权力”与“保障权利”的共同之处,在于保证人民当家作主,增强党和国家活力,调动人民积极性。
“制约权力”是指对公权力的监督制约。近十年来,一系列法律法规和规章制度的出台,从实体和程序两个方面,为公权力的运行提供制度框架、划定运行轨道。同时,依法治国、依法行政理念的不断深入人心、不断贯彻实施,也使“限权”成为政治体制改革的目标和出发点。
“保障权利”则是对公民权利的尊重和充实。一方面,人权事业不断推进,公民自身的财产安全和人身权利得到了更加完善的保护;另一方面,随着经济社会的发展,人民的知情权、参与权、表达权、监督权也得到了提升和保障,并以此为推动力,促进了立法、决策的科学化、民主化,成为广大人民依法行使参与管理国家、社会事务权利的重要抓手。
社会主义民主政治是一个吐故纳新的生命体,积极稳妥推进政治体制改革,必须坚持我国根本政治制度和基本经济制度,必须坚持党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国三者的统一,绝不照搬西方政治模式。只有尊重国情、循序渐进,我们才能不断创造新的中国奇迹,不断收获新的民族自信。
基层群众自治:“三委”并行(深化改革攻坚克难)
“以前是群众怕村干部干事,现在是怕村干部不干事”。这是浙江武义县白洋街道后陈村村民的真实感受。
后陈村位于城乡结合部。过去,由于村务管理不透明,重大决策不民主,一度造成村内矛盾重重,干群关系紧张,村民上访不断。2004年6月18日,后陈村在海选村委会的基础上,建立了全国第一个村级民主监督组织,由群众选举产生村务监督委员会,与村党支部、村委会一起称为“三委会”。村务监督特别是村级财务监督由监委会负责。
随着监委会的成立,后陈村开始了脱胎换骨的变化,不仅村固定收入逐年增加,而且村干部连续8年实现“零违纪”,村民连续8年实现“零上访”。村监委会成立至今,村两委已经顺利完成了3次换届。最近的一次换届,村两委成员一个没动,全部高票当选,一次通过。
目前,浙江省3万多个行政村,村村建立了村务监督委员会,实现了村级监督组织“全覆盖”。2010年,村务监督委员会这一制度创新被写进村民委员会组织法,开始在全国推行。
点评:基层群众自治是社会主义民主的直接体现,是当代中国最直接、最广泛的民主实践。它通过以村民自治为核心的农村基层民主和以居民自治为核心的城市基层民主,将人民民主渗透到社会生活的各个方面。
从一村一地的摸索试验,到全国范围的推广实施,以基层群众自治制度为代表的基层民主建设已经在我国遍地开花,每年的村(居)委会“海选”成为中国民主政治发展的特殊风景。而随着村民委员会组织法等法律和制度的建立和完善,我国的基层群众自治日益成熟和规范。今天,基层群众自治制度已经成为中国特色社会主义民主政治的重要支柱。
全国人大代表选举,实行城乡“同票同权”(深化改革攻坚克难)
康厚明是一位进城务工农民,他和朱雪芹、胡小燕一起,都因为“农民工”的身份当选为十一届全国人民代表大会代表,引起了很多人的关注。在今年3月份的全国两会上,康厚明看到“城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表”的规定,高兴地说,这是社会主义民主进程的重大进步!
今年3月14日,十一届全国人大第五次会议通过了《关于十二届全国人大代表名额和选举问题的决定》,规定十二届全国人大的代表将实行城乡按相同人口比例选举,按城乡约每67万人分配1名名额。据介绍,每67万人分配1名,是根据第六次全国人口普查数和2010年年底公安部公布的户籍人口数加权平均后作出的规定。
从1953年我国第一部选举法公布实施起到1995年之前,我国农村与城镇每一人大代表所代表的人口比例为8∶1。1995年,全国人大常委会修改选举法,将这一比例调整为4∶1。至2009年,城镇人口比重已达到46.6%。在这一背景下,“城乡同比”原则被明确下来。从8∶1到4∶1到1∶1,人们常说的“同票同权”在国家权力机关组成人员的选举中得以实现。
点评:人民代表大会制度是我国的根本政治制度,对这一制度加以不断地修改完善,是我国政治体制改革的重要组成部分。实行城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表,体现了实事求是、与时俱进的精神。如果说1953年8∶1的比例规定有助于保证工人阶级在各级人大代表中占相对多数,那么如今城乡“同票同权”,意味着随着我国城镇人口比重的变化,农村人口在选举及政治权利的实现上向宪法规定的平等原则迈出了实质性的一步。这一规定让农民代表的名额得到了制度保障,有助于营造更加公平和谐的社会环境。
开门立法有效体现公正性普惠性(深化改革攻坚克难)
2011年10月26日下午,《家用汽车产品修理、更换、退货责任规定》立法听证会在国家质检总局会议室举行。
“很幸运能被选到参与此次听证会,我将要说的每一句话都代表的是民声民意啊。”四川成都消费者代表张义说,“我在网上发帖、走访朋友、同事,和他们一起深入探讨研究《规定》条文,最终搜集归纳了12条建议和意见。”
除张义这样的消费者代表外,还有汽车生产厂商代表、经销商代表等以及质检总局法规司、质量司等部门的领导或工作人员,会议室中座无虚席。
“对于高昂的检测费用,应建立统一的基金,由汽车厂家交纳保证金。”“亟待设立独立的第三方鉴定机构。”在3个多小时里,代表们或从自己的维权经历,或从自身工作实际出发,逐条对《规定》提出疑问和改进建议。
代表纷纷表示,汽车“三包”立法是一个较为复杂的问题,听证会让多方意见有了交流的平台,必将对汽车“三包”规定的出台产生积极影响。
点评:法律是人民意志的体现。近年来,全国各地都在积极推行“开门立法”,拓展了百姓参与立法的渠道,激发了群众的积极性,不仅可以弥补或修正法律法规的不足或不当之处,而且改变以往“部门立法”所造成的立法部门化、部门利益化、利益法律化等现象,从而更好地实现法律法规的公正性和普惠性。
同时,“开门立法”也是一次政府与群众之间的互动,可以让政府更多更深地了解社情民意,使社情民意成为政府工作的导向;而尊重民意的政府工作也必定会在群众的热情参与中得到顺利的开展,实现最大的社会效益。
信息公开从“三公经费”切入(深化改革攻坚克难)
公开信息是政府的义务,申请政府信息公开是公民的权利。本着这样的想法,广东东莞市民梁杰将该市社保局告上了法庭,原因是他索要社保详细账单未果。
梁杰的底气,来自2008年5月1日正式实施的《政府信息公开条例》,其中明确规定:公民、法人或者其他组织还可以根据自身生产、生活、科研等特殊需要,向国务院部门、地方各级人民政府及县级以上地方人民政府部门申请获取相关政府信息。
政府信息公开,是我国政务公开的一个重要方面。近年来,各级政府的各项工作内容及进程都会及时公开,公民可以通过特定途径,如政务公开栏、政务公开网络等进行查询、监督。
“三公经费”公开,无疑是近年来老百姓最为关切的话题,也是政务公开的重要内容。2011年4月24日,科技部在财政拨款支出说明中率先以文字形式公布“三公经费”预算。此后,中央各部委纷纷效仿。
点评:“公开为原则,不公开为例外。”随着《政府信息公开条例》的实施,我国政府信息公开的工作机制不断完善,制度体系逐步健全,公开范围逐渐扩大,公开载体更加丰富。以信息公开为重点的政务公开,实现了政府更为直接地面对公众,公众更为清晰地了解政府的目标,不但让老百姓的知情权、参与权、表达权、监督权得以落实,也使建设“阳光政府”、“廉洁政府”、“高效政府”的步伐大大加快。
转变政府职能从行政审批制度改革突破(深化改革攻坚克难)
过去,办理项目开工手续一般需要一年以上,现在缩短到100天以内就可以完全办结。海南省设立了省政府政务服务中心,推行行政审批“三集中”(审批事项、审批权力、审批人员)的改革,行政审批的效率明显提高。
姚云亭是海南省杨浦开发区某工程项目的负责人,多年从事工程项目的报批工作。与以往不同的是,如今他在项目报批的过程中,“再也不必拿着一堆报批材料,今天去这个局、明天再去那个厅,需要在省一级审批的,直接把材料交到政务中心的窗口就行了,时间能节省一半。”姚云亭说。
自2008年以来,海南省在各厅局设立专门的行政审批办公室,将原来分散在各分管领导和业务处室的审批权力全部向该办公室集中,行政审批办公室及其工作人员成建制进驻中心,办公室主任就是首席代表。由此,将所有的审批要素集中于政务服务中心,成功解决了以往审批“久拖不决”的现象。
通过改革,34个政府部门的1240项行政审批事项先后进驻中心,中心还对每个审批项目编制办事指南,制订示范文本。
点评:行政审批制度改革,是我国行政管理制度改革的继续和深入,其根本在于,突破传统计划经济观念的束缚,增强社会主义市场经济的意识;突破部门既得利益的束缚,增强改革大局的意识;突破“官本位”思想的束缚,增强服务为先的意识。
近10年来,国务院部门经过5次清理,共取消和调整行政审批事项2183项,占原有总数的60.6%;各省、自治区、直辖市本级共取消和调整行政审批事项36986项,占原有总数的68.2%。行政审批制度改革已经成为转变政府职能、推进社会进步的重要突破口。
公务员管理机制日益规范(深化改革攻坚克难)
今年是我国公务员制度建立的第十九个年头,《公务员法》正式实施也已经6年了。
以《公务员法》为基础,我国已制定颁布了行政机关公务员处分条例,出台了公务员职务与级别、录用、考核、奖励、培训、调任、辞退、申诉等18个配套法规及9部专项处分规章。
在进入机制方面,坚持凡进必考,依法、科学、公平考录。2003年以来,全国共考试录用123万名公务员,2011年录用人数达到17万人。目前,中央机关和省级机关录用公务员,除部分特殊职位外,均从具有两年以上基层工作经历的人员中考录,并建立健全从村(居)党支部书记、大学生村官和工人、农民等基层一线人员中考录公务员制度。
在选任机制方面,大力推行竞争性选拔方式。《公务员法》实施以来全国有超过24万人通过竞争上岗走上了领导岗位,还开展了公开遴选公务员试点。
在激励机制方面,坚持定期奖励和及时奖励相结合。《公务员法》实施以来全国共对255万人次进行了嘉奖、对59万人次记了三等功、对5万人次记了二等功和一等功。
在退出机制方面,进一步规范和畅通了公务员队伍的“出口”,通过调出、退休、辞去公职、辞退、开除等方式,一大批公务员退出了公务员队伍。
点评:党的十六大以来,特别是《公务员法》正式实施的6年来,中国特色公务员法律法规体系基本形成,公务员管理机制日益健全,公务员的素质、能力和作风建设全面加强,公务员制度法制化规范化建设不断推进。实践证明:公务员制度从我国国情出发,与中国特色社会主义政治制度相适应,充分体现和反映了我国政治体制的特点和要求,具有十分鲜明的中国特色。
党的十六大以来政治体制改革大事记(深化改革攻坚克难)
2002年11月,党的十六大提出,必须在坚持四项基本原则的前提下,继续积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革,扩大社会主义民主,健全社会主义法制,建设社会主义法治国家,巩固和发展民主团结、生动活泼、安定和谐的政治局面。
2004年3月14日,十届全国人大二次会议通过《中华人民共和国宪法修正案》,“国家尊重和保障人权”写入宪法。
2004年3月22日,国务院印发《全面推进依法行政实施纲要》,提出经过十年左右坚持不懈的努力,基本实现建设法治政府的目标。
2004年9月9日,中共十六届四中全会审议通过《中共中央关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》,提出要把我们党建设成为科学执政、民主执政、依法执政的执政党。
2005年4月27日,十届全国人大常委会第十五次会议通过《中华人民共和国公务员法》,明确了公务员的9项基本义务和16项纪律规范。
2007年10月,党的十七大提出,坚定不移发展社会主义民主政治,明确政治体制改革作为我国全面改革的重要组成部分,必须随着经济社会发展而不断深化,与人民政治参与积极性不断提高相适应。
2008年3月11日,国务院公布第五次机构改革方案,除国务院办公厅外,国务院组成部门调整至27个。
2008年5月1日,《中华人民共和国政府信息公开条例》实施,县级以上各级人民政府和部门主动公开政府信息,并依公民或法人申请公开信息。
2008年5月13日,中共中央印发《建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系2008—2012年工作规划》,要求经过5年的扎实工作,建成惩治和预防腐败体系基本框架。
2008年12月,中共中央转发《中央政法委员会关于深化司法体制和工作机制改革若干问题的意见》,从优化司法职权配置、完善宽严相济刑事政策、加强政法队伍建设、改革司法保障体制等方面,提出60项改革任务。
2010年3月14日,十一届全国人大三次会议通过了修改后的选举法,明确实行城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表这一重要原则。
2010年10月,国务院发布《国务院关于加强法治政府建设的意见》,规定了提高行政机关工作人员特别是领导干部依法行政的意识和能力、加强和改进制度建设、坚持依法科学民主决策、严格规范公正文明执法、全面推进政务公开、强化行政监督和问责、依法化解社会矛盾纠纷等7个方面的任务。
2010年10月28日,十一届全国人大常委会第十七次会议修订通过《中华人民共和国村民委员会组织法》,新设村民监督委员会。
到2010年底,中国制定现行有效法律236件,行政法规690多件,地方性法规8600多件,中国特色社会主义法律体系已经形成,为依法治国提供了制度保障。
2012年3月14日,十一届全国人大五次会议通过刑事诉讼法修正案,写入尊重和保障人权等内容,同时完善了询问犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的规定,强化对侦查活动的监督。
2012年4月17日,《中共中央国务院关于分类推进事业单位改革的指导意见》公布,以进一步满足人民公益服务需求。

Weibo posts on Beijing Daily gaffe expunged

The following post by Caijing magazine reporter Tan Yifei (谭翊飞) about a gaffe made by Beijing Daily on Weibo today, which called for U.S. Ambassador Gary Locke to disclose his personal assets, was deleted from Sina Weibo sometime before 2:43pm Hong Kong time today, May 15, 2012. Liu Buchen, a corporate public relations expert who frequently writes for Chinese media, including Southern Metropolis Daily, currently has more than 197,000 followers, according to numbers from Sina Weibo. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

Nothing can stop you, Beijing Daily!

The post was a re-post of a comment by another Sina Weibo user, He Huixin (何辉新), a lawyer in Gansu province, who wrote of Beijing Daily‘s Weibo gaffe: “Ha Ha! Ha Ha! Truly, I’m moved [to laugh] with all my heart at the Beijing Daily.
Tan Yifei’s original Chinese post follows:

没有什么能阻挡你,北京日报 //@薇薇安_吴薇: //@何辉新律师: [哈哈][哈哈][哈哈]我实在是被@北京日报 的良苦用心[偷笑]感动袅。


NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

Give Back to Your Government!


In May 2012, Chinese internet users reported on social media that public personnel (公务员), teachers and employees of some enterprises in the city of Panzhihua (攀枝花) in China’s western Sichuan province were being forced to donate the equivalent of one month of basic wages to a newly-established charity fund. Remarking on the rumors, propaganda officials in Panzhihua said that the poverty alleviation fund in question had already received donations totaling more than 50 million yuan, but that these had all been voluntary donations. However, many internet users from Panzhihua told a reporter from Guangzhou’s Southern Metropolis Daily newspaper that they had indeed been forced recently to donate a month of basic wages. In this cartoon, posted by artist Shang Haichun (商海春) to QQ.com, a government official holds out a donation bowl in the shape of a red, upturned official Party seal. The bowl is filled with gold ingots, but the fat official approaches another poor resident demanding a “voluntary” donation.

Media potshot on U.S. ambassador backfires

The Beijing Daily, the official mouthpiece of Beijing’s top city-level Party leaders, shamed itself earlier this month in the eyes of many Chinese on social media when it led a campaign of propaganda against the United States, criticizing its involvement in the Chen Guangcheng case. The reaction against the paper was so strong that “Beijing Daily” was within hours defined as a sensitive search keyword on Sina Weibo, one of China’s most popular microblog platforms.
Today, just as “Beijing Daily” is again searchable on Sina Weibo, the newspaper has stepped right back into the spotlight of mockery by dragging its favorite whipping boy, U.S. Ambassador Gary Locke, into one of China’s most sensitive ongoing debates — the intransigent issue of the disclosure of the personal finances of Party and government leaders.
Responding yesterday to a Weibo post suggesting Gary Locke is among America’s super-rich and that his common-man antics in Beijing are just a “show,” Beijing Daily wrote on its official Sina Weibo account:

Won’t Gary Locke please disclose his personal assets.
请骆家辉公布财产


[ABOVE: In a post today, the official Sina Weibo account of the official Beijing Daily calls on U.S. Ambassador Gary Locke to disclose his personal assets.]
Oops.
Chinese users pounced on this post this morning, pointing out with no small measure of schadenfreude that U.S. politicians all had to disclose their personal assets, and that these figures were publicly available on the internet for the convenience of all citizens.
Liu Yadong (刘亚东), the editor-in-chief of Science and Technology Daily newspaper, wrote on Sina Weibo:

No matter whether its praise or criticism your dishing out, it must be based on a deep understanding of the other side. Seen from a many sides, Beijing Daily‘s demand that Gary Locke disclose his personal finances is a basic error. It shows a basic lack of understanding of American society: how can that country’s top politicians possibly keep their personal assets secret! To openly make such a childish demand perhaps also reveals the closed-up nature of this newspaper, its lack of international perspective. This is a lesson!
无论表扬还是批评,都必须建立在对受者深入了解的基础上。从多个角度看,北京日报要求骆家辉公布个人财产都是一个低级错误,表明其缺乏关于美国社会的基本常识:那个国家民选的高级公职人员哪能保守财产秘密!公诸如此幼稚的诉求或许还反映出该报的封闭性,没有国际视野。是为训!


Chinese columnist Zhao Chu (赵楚) responded less kindly:

Beijing Daily is a joke. For them to make a joke like this just shows they’re a bunch of stupid pigs at the top.
《北京日报》是个笑话,他们能闹出这样的笑话,可见都是多蠢的猪在局中。

The Beijing Daily Weibo post was removed at 9:57am today, as CMP was watching. The newspaper apparently deleted the original Weibo post and decided the best way to not disclose its own silliness was to re-post the original post here, this time with a simple “re-post” (转发微博) rather than a comment about Gary Locke.
Unfortunately for Beijing Daily, traces are not so easily wiped away in this age when ogling eyes have the means of sharing their own observations. The comments are already stacking up underneath the second post:

His assets were disclosed back in 2010. Why doesn’t he teach Chinese official how to disclose [their assets]?
半拉北京人:人家在2010年就公布了你怎么不教中国官员公布呀 //@北京日报: 转发微博 (10秒前)
Beijing Daily, are you really dumb, or just playing dumb? You think that just by having this title “Beijing” to back you up you can lead public opinion astray?
辣笔小飞: @北京日报 ,你是真傻还是装傻?以为顶了个“北京”的头衔就可以混淆视听了?//@北京日报: 转发微博 (20秒前)
Of course Gary Locke’s personal assets have been disclosed. And what about the assets of those imperial officials [of ours]?
无梦的八戒: 骆家辉的财产肯定是公布了的,天朝官员公布了没?//@北京日报: 转发微博 (20秒前)
“Oh, editors and comrades of Beijing Daily, how are you? How tough things are for you. It’s just that the residence of the Ambassador and the cars he rides in are about the image of America. No matter how we try to refine the idea of whether or not Gary Locke is corrupt, there’s the looming issue of our leaders living in Zhongnanhai. And how much more resplendent are those official residences? Why don’t you have a look.
天恩0120: 北京日报的编辑同志们,你们好,你们辛苦了。只是大使官邸和座驾代表的是美国政府形象,我们怎么琢磨也和骆家辉是否腐败搭不上边,我们的领导人还住中南海呢,那造价比大使官邸又高出多少?请明察//@北京日报: 转发微博 (30秒前)
“What about that post asking Locke to disclose his assets? How was that deleted? How humiliating for the Party!
老男人的小日子: 那条要去骆家辉公布财产的微薄呢 怎么删了 真给党丢脸啊 //@北京日报: 转发微博 (40秒前)

Sina Weibo posts on this story on the personal account of CMP researcher David Bandurski were removed by 10:48am today, May 15, 2012. They can be viewed below:
POST 1
POST 2
POST 3
They also resulted in this delightful bit of correspondence from the platform informing the user that POST 1 has been “secreted” because, “This weibo is not convenient to expose to the outside.”


UPDATE: By 11am today, May 15, 2012, even the simple re-post by Beijing Daily meant to cloak its original comment about U.S. Ambassador Gary Locke had been removed from its official Weibo account, yielding this message from Sina Weibo.

The problem, presumably, was that the re-post itself was getting bombarded with comments from Sina Weibo users referencing the original post.
UPDATE: This final Sina Weibo post by David Bandurski on the Beijing Daily post was deleted sometime before 2:45pm, May 15, 2012.

The soft power of meeting eye to eye

On May 4, 2012, Chinese leaders fired a cannonade of editorials through Beijing Daily and three other Beijing-level newspapers criticizing U.S. Ambassador Gary Locke for his meddlesome “little tricks” — relatable, common-man conduct like carrying his own backpack, or buying coffee with discount vouchers.
The suggestion that Locke’s simple gestures were “disgraceful” and showed insufficient respect for China might have found an audience somewhere, but the predominant response to the editorials on Chinese social media seemed to be ridicule. By afternoon of the day the editorials were published, even the search keyword “Beijing Daily” was blocked on Sina Weibo, a virtual admission of propaganda defeat.
Chinese users poked fun at what some clearly saw as the government’s inexplicable objection to honest, genuine and fundamentally human gestures. How exactly should Ambassador Locke act? The following Weibo post, for example, jokingly depicted Locke being subjected to a struggle session of the kind that would have been seen during China’s Cultural Revolution, a placard around his neck listing out his crimes, including “carrying his own backpack.”


The photo’s caption read: “The only way out for Ambassador Locke is to be whole-heartedly corrupt!”
What is perhaps most interesting about Gary Locke’s “little tricks” in China — and perhaps what discomforts Chinese leaders most — is the way Chinese have seized on his actions to reflect back on China’s own political culture. And China’s government has arguably deepened the sense of reflective value by obsessing on Locke’s actions, putting itself in the awkward position of fussing about minutia like backpacks and cups of coffee.
Today, Locke is again grabbing attention for his “little tricks”, this time over a recent exchange with Shanghai third grader Yang Zhimei (杨芷湄), 9, who happens to be the daughter of one of China’s finest investigative reporters, former CMP fellow Yang Haipeng (杨海鹏).
In October 2011, Ambassador Locke made a visit to Shanghai that included a stop at the Museum of Contemporary Art, where he spoke with a number of local primary school students. Yang Zhimei had a brief opportunity to speak with Locke, and her photo was later featured on the website of the U.S. Consulate in Shanghai and in various local media.
Yang Zhimei later made her exchange with Locke the subject of an essay submitted for consideration for China’s Lu Xun Youth Literature Prize. The essay was posted to the competition’s website on May 10, and shared by Zhimei’s father, Yang Haipeng, through his Sina Weibo account yesterday.
The crux of the essay, and of the discussion surrounding it today, is the fact that Ambassador Locke knelt before Yang Zhimei and addressed her at eye level, something that can be seen from several photographs.


A translation of Yang Zhimei’s essay follows:

Ever since I was small I’ve had this dream, that me Dad will “kneel” before me to speak.
My Dad is big and tall, built like a pagoda. Even having grown to this point, I’m a full meter below him, and when I talk to him I have to tilt my head back. While this happens, he’ll answer his phone and start thinking about something else . . . When I can’t say something clearly, he’ll get impatient, and wave me off with his hand: “Go, go go. Go watch that animation flick you like. I’m busy.”
I know he really loves me, but I don’t know how to talk with him. What I like best is going traveling with him. At those times, he’ll have a lot more time, and can patiently listen to what I have to say. He’s more like a “big brother.”
I’ve seen a lot of TV dramas where foreigners will kneel before kids and talk. When the adults kneel they’re the same height as kids, and they can look eye to eye. It looks so amiable. So once I said to my Dad: “Dad, can you kneel when you speak to me?”
Dad would look very amused and smile, saying: “Your Dad is too fat. If he kneels, his pants will split.” Then he’ll laugh this big laugh, and tell me to go back.
It’s really hard to say anything to Dad.
In October last year, I took part in an exhibition of Pixar animation [in Shanghai]. An older woman approached me and said: “Excuse me, little friend, is there something you’d like to ask Ambassador Locke?” This Ambassador Locke she was referring to is an uncle a head shorter than Dad. At the time he was talking to someone else. He’s the U.S. Ambassador, and he was the most important figure in the room. Reporters were clustered around him taking photographs.
Timidly, I went over behind him and said: “Mr. Ambassador, sir, when you were in primary school what was homework like?” The Ambassador turned his head around in surprise and said in English: “Why do you ask this question?” I responded: “This time around, I tested 82 on English, and Mom was really unhappy with me.” I didn’t mention that I was quickly losing faith.
Ambassador Locke and the interpreter “kneeled” down in front of me. I was so surprised I froze. He spoke for more than 10 minutes, and I was terrified by this move of his and all of the camera flashes going off around me. The only thing I remember him saying was that when he was in sixth grade he was just a rookie (菜鸟). One time, he said, he did a really bad thing, and his teacher made him write a self-criticism and even made him read it before the whole class. He thought to himself at the time, I can’t keep on like this, and from that time forward he did his best, becoming a really excellent student.
I don’t remember that much of what he said. My head is just full of that image of him kneeling before me. I can see clearly those eyes of his full of care and love, and those wisps of white hair next to his ears.
At the time, I thought — when will my Dad kneel like this and talk to me?
Later, the photo [of me and Ambassador Locke] made the newspaper. Adults talked about it a lot. Some people admired [what Locke did] while other said “he was just making a show.” A friend of Dad’s who had studied abroad in the United States and come back said all Americans were like this, that they were brought up this way.
My Dad was really in favor of this way of doing things. He said it gave children, who were in a relative position of weakness, a shot at equality. But when I pressed him to “kneel” for me, he only did it twice before things went on just as they had before.
Really, I think it’s much harder for grown ups to change themselves than it is for kids. One time, my Dad told his students that a hundred years ago in Shanghai, it took twenty years to change the habit city residents had of carrying live chickens and ducks through the streets.
I corner Dad and said: “Dad, you say we should speak on terms of equality, but why then can’t you kneel before me to speak like Gary Locke?”
Dad said distractedly that he had hurt his knee hiking in Yunnan, so we could talk about it another time.
I don’t know how long it will be before that “another time” comes.
I dream of the day that I’m just as tall as Dad is. That way he won’t need to kneel before me for us to talk.
On May 8 it was Dad’s birthday and I helped him clean the house. I even made a really pretty card for him. Dad was so happy. He held me and said, “Oh, Sweetheart! Oh, Sweetheart!” Then he asked me what wish I had.
I said to him: “What I want is really simple. If I really am your sweetheart, then please kneel when you talk to me.”

The full Chinese text of Yang Zhimei’s essay follows:

爸爸,请你“跪”下来跟我说话
作者:杨芷湄
上海市江苏路第五小学三(七)班 杨芷湄
从很小的时候,我就有一个梦想:我的爸爸能“跪”下来对我说话。
我的爸爸又胖又高,身体像坐宝塔,我长到现在,还跟他差半米,跟他说话,我要仰着头。中间,他还会接电话,想起什么别的事,拔好手机哇啦哇啦地说一通。我跟他说话,脖子会酸,不知怎么表达。说不清的时候,他会烦躁,扇子一般的大手一挥“去去去,看你的动画片去,我忙着呢”!
我知道他很爱我,但我就是不知道怎样和他说话。我最喜欢和他一起旅行。那时,他会有很多时间,耐心的听我说话,像一个“大哥哥”。
我看电视剧里,有许多外国大人蹲着甚至跪着对小朋友说话,大人蹲下与小朋友一样高,目光可以平视,样子很慈祥。我曾经对爸爸说:“爸爸,你能蹲下来对我说话吗?”
爸爸却嘻皮笑脸地说:“爸爸太胖,蹲下来,裤衩会裂开。”然后哈哈大笑,把我的要求挡回去了。
跟爸爸说句话很不容易。
去年十月,我参加“美国皮克斯动画展”。一个阿姨问我:“小朋友,你想问骆大使一个问题吗?”她所说的骆大使是一个比爸爸个头稍矮的伯伯,正在跟其他人说话。他是美国大使,是这里最大的人物,很多记者围着他拍照片。
我怯怯地走到他身后,说:“大使先生,你小学时候功课怎么样?”大使惊讶地回过头,用英语说:“为什么问这个问题?”我回答道:“我这次英语考了82分,妈妈骂了我。”我没有说自己快没信心了。
骆大使和翻译单膝“跪”在我面前。我惊呆了。他讲了十几分钟,我被他的动作和周围照相机的闪光吓坏了。只听到他说:他在小学六年级前,是只“菜鸟”。有一次,他做了件很坏的事,老师让他写检讨,还让他在全体同学面前读了。他觉得这样下去不行,于是他发奋努力,成为一个优秀的学生。
我没有记住多少他的话。我的脑海只有他们跪下来的画面。我清晰地看到他关爱的眼神,还有耳边的白头发。
那时候,我在想:什么时候我的爸爸,可以跪下来跟我说话?
后来照片上了报纸。大人们讨论很多。有些人赞赏,有些人说“他在作秀”。我爸爸一个美国留学回来的朋友说:美国大人都这样,这是教养。
我爸爸很赞赏这个方式,认为这是给弱者小孩平等的机会。但当我要求他,能不能“跪”下来跟我说话时,他只做了两次,又回到原来的样子。
真的,我觉得大人想改变自己,比小孩都难。有一次,爸爸跟我他的学生说:在一百多年前的上海,改变市民提着活鸡活鸭上公交车的习惯,大约用了二十年。
我插话说:“爸爸,你说应该跟我平等对话,为什么不能像骆家辉一样跪下来跟我说话呢?”
爸爸愣了一下,然后说自己在云南爬山,膝盖坏了,以后再说。
我不知道这个“以后”会多久?
我梦见自己长大,跟爸爸一样高,这样他用不着跪下来跟我说话了。
5月8日,爸爸过生日,我帮他收拾了房间,还制作了漂亮的贺卡。爸爸高兴死了,抱着我“宝贝宝贝”地叫,问我要什么?
我对他说:“我的要求很简单,如果我是你的宝贝,就请你跪下来跟我说话。”
(转自鲁迅青少年文学奖网)