Author: CMP Staff

Cults, Cores and Crowns: CMP 2017 Discourse Report

Over the weekend, the China Media Project released the Chinese-language version of co-director Qian Gang’s annual report on Chinese political discourse — his “Discourse Climate Report 2017” — through Taiwan’s Storm Media. For this year’s report, special thanks go to the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin, where Qian Gang is currently on fellowship.
We will have a full English version of the analysis available soon. Until then, here are a few of the key takeaways from the report.
1. The discourse highlight of the year was the “crowning,” or guanming (冠名), of Xi Jinping in the introduction of his “banner term,” or legacy-marking phrase, which is: “Xi Jinping’s Thought of New Era Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” (習近平新時代中國特色社會主義思想). But Xi Jinping was not just “crowned,” meaning that his name appeared within the formulation of his banner term. The introduction of a “Xi Jinping Thought” — as opposed to a “theory” (like Deng Xiaoping) or “strategy,” or “concept,” marked an unexpected intensity of elevation, arguably putting Xi on parity with Mao Zedong.
2. There were clear and renewed statements in 2017 about the power of the Party and the “core” status of Xi Jinping as the Party’s leader.
3. A clear and continuing downward trend was noted for terms related to political reform.
4. Economic development remains the chief axis and emphasis in political discourse. China’s “principal contradiction,” or zhuyao maodun (主要矛盾), was redefined in Xi’s political report to the 19th Party Congress as “that between unbalanced and inadequate development and the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life” (人民日益增長的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的發展之間的矛盾).
One of the most important ongoing questions the discourse trends of 2017 pose for 2018 is precisely how the “core” discourse around the personality of Xi Jinping will develop. The fawning language in praise of Xi and his greatness around the 19th Party Congress in October even inspired some expressions of fealty at the local level in China that were eerily reminiscent of the Mao era.
These self-serving local expressions of obedience to Xi were followed by rumors that the Central Party leadership had issued guidelines restricting the use of such phrases. Given language in the Party’s own charter against cults of personality, and related warnings internationally in the wake of the 19th Party Congress, Xi has perhaps been trying to suss out exactly how high his ceiling is. On November 1, the Party released a “Decision” outlining three acceptable phrases that could be used to kiss up to Xi Jinping. They were as follows:
Loved by the entire Party (全党拥护)
Loved and respected by the people (人民爱戴)
Fully worthy and deserving [of core leadership status] (当之无愧)
But not all local leaders, it seems, received the memo. On November 10, 2017, Qianxinan Daily, a local Party newspaper in Guizhou province, referred on its front page to Xi Jinping as “great leader,” or weida lingxiu (伟大领袖). Not long after, however, the digital version of the newspaper was doctored to remove the page in question. In its place (see both pages below) an entirely fictional page layout appeared.


As Qian Gang’s discourse report notes, even the three above-mentioned terms sanctioned for use in praise of Xi Jinping had diminished markedly in use by the end of November 2017.
How mightily will Xi be praised this year? Stay tuned.
 
 

The Making of the "Low-End Population"

On the night of November 18, a fire broke out the low-rent tenement buildings of Xinjian Village in Beijing’s Daxing District, resulting in 19 deaths and 8 injuries. The authorities held two briefings at which they reported the situation with regard to deaths and injuries, and updated on the status of the investigation, including the position of the fire and its cause.
Beijing Party Secretary Cai Qi (蔡奇) held a meeting on November 27 with top county-level officials in the city, and discussed both the November 18 fire and the scandal surrounding alleged abuse at the RYB Kindergarten. Media coverage of the fire relied largely on official news releases from state media, and the coverage focussed mainly on the issue of fire safety hazards and their management in the urban periphery, or chengxiang jihebu (城乡接合部).
Therefore, mainstream and commercial media coverage domestically in China in the wake of the tragedy focused largely on specific government actions — and avoided the question of causes and deeper issues of social justice.
After the November 18 fire, top officials in the Beijing government called for an urgent special action (专项行动) over a 40-day period to investigate, clear away and rectify safety and security risks in the city. Because the response from district authorities in a number of areas was “harsh and excessive” (生硬粗糙), “unsophisticated and cruel” (简单粗暴), lacking in concern for the human costs, these actions were denounced by the public.
As these actions unfolded, many people saw them as an effort to root out the “low-end population,” or diduan renkou (低端人口), in the urban area in order to optimize the city’s development composition (优化首都发展布局), a fancy way of saying that poorer migrants are an eyesore for a modern city that wants to be taken seriously. It was around this issue of the diduan renkou that the eviction story became a full-blown public opinion crisis for the government.
Origins of the “Low-End Population”
A Chinese internet users cast about for answers, one gathered together documents from district governments across Beijing, including Shijingshan District (石景山区), Haiding District (海淀区), Fangshan District (房山区), Shunyi District (顺义区), and Changping District (昌平区) and found that all of them used phrase like “clear away and regulate the low-end population” (清理整治低端人口), and “control the low-end population” (控制低端人口).
One document in particular from Shijingshan District — dated to March 2017 and bearing the gargantuan title, “On the Implementation of Plans for the National Economy and Social Development in 2016 and 2017 Draft Plan for the National Economy and Social Development”— spoke of “relying on targeted actions to clear away disorder and carry out high-end building, clearing away and regulating 480 courtyard areas where the low-end population congregates.”

A page-five article in the People’s Daily Overseas Edition on August 1, 2016, uses the phrase “low-end population” when addressing migrant workers and urban population control.
Dig a bit deeper, however, and you find that Party media played a crucial role in popularizing the phrase “low-end population.”
According to Hong Kong’s Ming Pao Daily, “low-end population” is a shortened form of the much longer phrase “participants and employees in low-end industries” (低端产业从业与就业者), which has extremely discriminatory connotations.
The online site and news app for China’s official China News Service runs the People’s Daily Overseas Edition piece on August 1, 2016.
After “low-end population” appeared in the overseas edition of the CCP’s official People’s Daily newspaper and on People’s Daily Online in August 2016, it came under attack. But the phrase continued to appear in official documents on urban policy from the city of Beijing and district and regional governments. It has appeared regularly in the Chinese media and has also had currency among Chinese scholars.

Freezing Out Discussion of Winter Heating

After a blaze swept through a dense residential area populated by migrant workers on the outskirts of Beijing, killing at least 19 people, there was speculation online that the fire might have been caused by the use of electrical heating owing to a recent government ban on the residential burning of soft coal. News coverage has been severely curbed in the wake of the tragedy, with only a smattering of reports outside those of the official Xinhua News Agency.
Cylinders of soft coal like those in the image above have for decades been an essential source of heating fuel for homes in both urban and rural areas in China, and have been particularly crucial for poorer Chinese in the cold winter months. But the government has recently introduced restrictions on the use of soft coal in hopes of improving air quality — and at the same time has been pushing installation of gas heating.
The following post by Weibo user “Qian Popo Xian Lai” (錢婆婆先來), made at around 11:22AM today, November 20, was deleted just four hours later. It discusses the problem of access to reliable sources of residential heating as the new restrictions on soft coal come into play, and it shares a screenshot of another since-deleted Weibo post by Song Yingjie (宋英杰) that discusses the issue in some detail.

So this was deleted. “The issue of winter heating that effects countless people has gone wrong, people are freezing, but there is nothing at all in the media about this, only angry voices online. For the sake of environmental protection, the government has prohibited the use of the soft coal for heating, and is carrying out [a policy of] replacing coal with electric. But 1) many poor people can’t use it [electric], and go cold; 2) they pay but it’s not yet installed properly, their heaters don’t work, and they go cold; 3) they are installed, but the gas company doesn’t supply them with gas, and they go cold; 4) because the work, materials and installation are of inferior quality . . . [See Full Text]
和諧了「涉及无数人的冬季采暖出了问题,冻的不行,但媒体上一点声音都没有,只有网上在抱怨。为了环保,政府禁止燃煤取暖,进行煤改气煤改电,但是,1.许多贫困者用不起,冻着,2.交了钱,但还没建好,煤炉也不能用,冻着,3.建好了,燃气公司不供气,冻着,4.因为赶工,材料和安装质量低劣,居民们胆…全文: http://m.weibo.cn/6408428502/4176120267905988 ​

Online Sharks

A report released in 2016 in China about the protection of internet users’ rights said that 37 percent of web users had suffered some sort of “economic loss” as a result of fraudulent activities online. Meanwhile, 84 percent of web users had experienced “harmful effects” as a result of having personal information leaked online. Despite serious problems — including the elephant in the room, the government’s own draconian use and plans for personal information — China does not yet have a Data Protection Law.
The above cartoon, by Yi Zhengyi (尹正义), somewhat incongruously illustrates the issue of personal data security as a scroll of information (looking very concerned) throwing up a mayday flag as it rides on the back of a shark bearing a knife and fork. The obvious implication: the online sharks are itching to eat your personal information — apparently with decent table manners?
The cartoon was shared as part of the Comic Comment series at the online site of Seeking Truth, a journal published by the Chinese Communist Party.

Locking Away the Questions

On November 6, 2017, the Legislative Affairs Commission of the Standing Committee of China’s National People’s Congress released a draft National Supervision Law that spells out the powers of a new anti-corruption body, the National Supervision Committee. The new law, which is expected to take effect in March 2018, has come under criticism over the past week — with some experts in China and beyond arguing that the law risks replacing an abusive shuanggui system — which for many years has invited rampant abuse of suspects under secret detention — with a new liuzhi system that still offers, some say, no rights protection for detainees.
In the past two days, a number of users on the Weibo social media platform in China have posted a story attributed to well-known legal expert and political commentator Chen Jieren (陈杰人), in which he alleges that he was pressured by authorities to criticizing the draft National Supervision Law.
The following Weibo post by “Media Person Lin Guoqiang” (媒体人林-国-强), which shares the Chen Jieren passage, was deleted from the platform at 3:27PM today, Beijing time, one day after it was posted.

Chen Jieren: Today a rather high-level official came to urge me not to keep raising questions about the legislating of the National Supervision Law. He said I needed to trust the Party’s Central Committee, and that I shouldn’t engage in improper discussion [of Party policies]. I told him that under the principles of the current draft National Supervision Law, from today on, would make it impossible for lawyers to become involved at any point in the investigation phase in cases of anti-corruption, and there was no way to protect the rights of suspects. The group facing the greatest potential harm in this was officials, I said. We are speaking for officials, but officials are still waylaying us . . .
陈杰人:今天一位较高级别官员劝我,不要再掺和监察法的立法质疑,他说,要相信中央,不要妄议。我告诉他,以现有监察法草案立下的规则,今后,反腐反渎领域的案件,侦查阶段都无法有律师介入,嫌疑人权利毫无保障,这样做,最大的潜在受害人群体就是官员。我们为官员说话,官员还在制止,不知道中国官…全文: http://m.weibo.cn/5231558902/4173648367981061 ​

The Party, At the Helm

At the recent 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, where Xi Jinping demonstrated that he had concentrated power to a degree unprecedented in China’s reform era, one of the most outstanding themes was the need to strengthen the power and authority of the Party itself.
The need to “strictly govern the Party,” or congyan zhidang (从严治党), has been one of Xi’s most consistent themes. And it was inspiration earlier this year for the following series of cartoons by Tian Cheng (天呈) posted to the website of Shanghai’s Liberation Daily.
The cartoons are very direct, and perhaps quite artless, in their appropriation of basic metaphors for Party governance that have been included in various of Xi Jinping’s official speeches. All play on the idea that the Party’s constitution serves as a key document restraining the conduct of Party officials.
The Party Constitution is the Helm (党章是船舵)


The Party Constitution is the Lighthouse (党章是灯塔)

The Party Constitution is the Compass (党章是指南针)

An Unwelcome Joke

Over the past five years under Xi Jinping, China has become far more direct about how the control of the press, internet and public opinion are crucial in order to maintain social and political stability.
Xi has said the media must “be surnamed Party” — that is, follow the Party’s line and policies, and not do the kind of reporting that works against them. He has pressured the traditional media so hard that coverage across the country can often look identical.


But still, outright criticism of China’s press as being too unified is not at all welcome. Which is why the following Weibo post from Zang Jianchun (臧建春微博), a user with more than 10,000 fans on the platform, was deleted today within two hours of being posted.

A Chinese person asks an American: How many journalists do you have? How many news items do they generate on a daily basis?
The American says: We have 10,000 journalists, and they produce 100,000 news stories from different angles. What about you guys in China?
The Chinese person responds: We have 100,000 journalists, and every day they produce a single article, identical even down to the punctuation.
中国人问美国人:你们有多少记者?每天产生多少条新闻?美国人说:我们有一万名记者,每天至少产生10万条解读视觉不同的新闻,你们中国呢?中国人答:我们有十万名记者,每天都产生一条连标点符号都相同的新闻。

 

Pu Zhiqiang on Trump's Arrival in Beijing

Since January this year, former CMP fellow Pu Zhiqiang (浦志强), one of China’s most prominent civil rights lawyers, has been more active on Twitter. This follows a hiatus of nearly three years since his detention in May 2014. In a post earlier today, just as U.S. President Donald Trump was arriving in Beijing for an official three-day visit, Pu offered — with the help of a VPN — bitter remarks on the US-China relationship, indirectly highlighting the way human rights are not just sidelined but invisible.
Pu closes his post with the wish that America might also achieve “great unity,” or datong (大同), an ancient Chinese concept referring to a world in which everything is at peace — but in this case also implying that the United States, like China under the powerful Xi, is heading toward its own great authoritarian “peace” under its an aspiring emperor.

Trump arrives today. He is Xi’s personal friend, and there is no friendship whatsoever with me. I have a thousand reasons to seek good relations with him, and no reason to mess up relations. But neither side is very interested, and it’s just fine to be forgotten by either side. I have met with Americans before, but in this transition they have been defeated, they have all turned underground. Their standing is even lower than mine. The good thing is, this elite upstart stays here for just two days, and the harassment will have its limits. I wish the best for America, and hope that with another 20 years of work it can achieve the great unity it seeks.

U.S. Embassy Weibo Post on Trump Deleted

President Donald Trump’s visit to Beijing this week is a topic no doubt many Chinese have opinions about. Naturally, however, discussions between Trump and Xi Jinping touch on many issues that are too sensitive to speak of openly on social media. One of those issues is North Korea.
A seemingly innocent post at around 2PM Beijing time by Weibo user “Wang Dong Money” (王东Money), a former magazine editor with just under 76,000 fans, was deleted less than two hours later. It simply read:

There is a big foreign affairs event in Beijing tomorrow. From the afternoon to evening, many roads will be temporarily closed . . . .
北京明有重大外事活动 下午至晚间多路段将分时交通管制……

The reference to possible traffic congestion was almost surely not a problem, but the post was in fact a re-post of this message from the official Weibo account of the American Embassy in Beijing, quoting President Trump on his visit to Japan (English from the original speech):

“We are working to counter the dangerous aggressions of the regime in North Korea. The regime continues development of its unlawful weapons programs, including its illegal nuclear tests and outrageous launches of ballistic missiles directly over Japanese territory are a threat to the civilized world and to international peace and stability. We will not stand for that. The era of strategic patience is over.” — Trump address at joint press conference with Japan Prime Minister Shinzo Abe . . .
“我们正努力抗击北朝鲜政权危险的侵略行为。该政权继续发展非法的武器项目,包括非法核试验,肆无忌惮地发射直接飞越日本领土的弹道导弹,对文明世界及国际和平与稳定构成威胁。我们决不能听之任之。战略忍耐的时代结束了。” –特朗普总统与日本首相安倍在联合记者会上发表讲话(摘译) …

The American Embassy post was deleted at 3:59PM Beijing time today, about 3 hours after it was first posted.
 
 
 

Ai Weiwei Criticism of U.S. Scrubbed from Weibo

On October 13, 2017, Kimberly Yam wrote a piece in the Arts & Culture section at Huffington Post in which she discussed Ai Weiwei’s documentary “Human Flow,” a work on the global refugee crisis that Ai told the site was “a message to the Trump administration.” Yam’s piece ran under the headline: “Ai Weiwei Believes The U.S. Has Hit A Low When It Comes To Human Rights.”
Today, almost two weeks later, Hung Huang (洪晃), the well-known television host, author and publisher of iLook fashion magazine, posted an image of the Huffington Post piece on Weibo with the simple words, “Ai Weiwei says the United States has serious human rights problems.”
One might suppose that such a post would be welcomed considering that China generally goes out of its way to attack the human rights record of the United States. Releasing its own retaliatory report in 2016, for example, China said: “Since the US government refuses to hold up a mirror to look at itself, it has to be done with other people’s help.”
So why was the Ai Weiwei post from a prominent Weibo user — Hung Huang has more than 11 million fans on the platform — not permitted? The answer, of course, is the sensitivity of Ai Weiwei himself, who has been a frequent critic of human rights in China. This made Hung’s post a potential flashpoint for discussion of human rights that could get out of hand.
By “other people’s help,” the Chinese Communist Party is referring to itself. Hung’s post was deleted after around 40 minutes.
 

USER: Hong Huang (洪晃ilook)
DATE OF POST: October 26, 2017,14:10:48
APPROXIMATE TIME OF REMOVAL: October 26, 2017,14:54:56
CONTENT: 
Ai Weiwei says the United States has serious human rights problems. http://t.cn/R2d27p6 ​
#晃剪报# 艾未未说美国人权问题很严重。 http://t.cn/R2d27p6 ​