By all accounts, a vote on February 1 to constitute an independent election committee in the village of Wukan in China’s southern Guangdong province was a success. Around 7,700 eligible voters in the village are reported to have cast their ballots to form the 11-member committee, which will organize and oversee elections in March for a new village committee.
For those who are not familiar with the saga of Wukan, we recommend a read-through of this report from The Telegraph by Malcolm Moore, the first foreign journalist on the scene back in December when Wukan villagers were locked in a standoff with local authorities stemming from disputes over land use, corruption and the death of a protest leader in police custody.

[ABOVE: A villager in Wukan casts a ballot in elections for an independent village election committee on February 1, 2012. Photo from QQ.com.]
For some Chinese, the example of Wukan has been inspirational, pointing the way to orderly, transparent and open democracy at the village level in China. And for some too, there is the more hopeful question that stands behind: Could this be a model, and an impetus, for broader democracy in China?
At its online section for Guangdong news, the official Xinhua News Agency noted that “more than 70 percent of eligible voters participated in the ballot.” The sense given by the Xinhua report — through accounts by villagers themselves, no less — was of an historic event.

Villager Lin Yongqiu (林永秋), 43, said that in his recollection, Wukan has never before held a selection process of this kind.

The report continued with this dialogue:

Reporter: Is this the first time you’ve ever held a ballot?
Villager: Yeah, my first time.
Reporter: How old are you?
Villager: Not far from 30. Forty.
Reporter: How many elections have you seen before?
Villager: This is the first time. The first time.
Reporter: What are you feeling right now about this election?
Villager: It’s great.

Posting on Sina Weibo on February 3, VIP user Zhang Nong (张农), a company boss in Beijing with more than 24,000 followers, wrote:

Wukan is not Beijing or Shanghai. It is not Guangzhou or Tianjin. Not Chongqing or Shenyang. It is not a major city where we might say that those of culture are numerous and few are illiterate. It is a tiny fishing village. But in such a little village as this, the villagers have begun to vote in elections, governing and taking care of themselves. Does this not tell us that Chinese in other areas can do this too? If Chinese in other areas cannot, then I want to ask everyone why they can’t.

Other voices were less enthusiastic.
True to its typically surly take on “foreign” views on China, the Global Times newspaper suggested, despite the presence of numerous Chinese voices like the above, that the glow over Wukan was being built up by “Western media” and that the level of freedom found in rural elections in China is already “extremely high”:

Over the past two days, Western media have highly praised the election in Wukan, and some have even said that it ‘sets a precedent for’ the process of democracy in China . . .
Perhaps it’s that Western journalists based in China do not understand the real situation in the countryside, and believe mistakenly that they have discovered “a new mainland” of grassroots democracy. For example, The Wall Street Journal wrote that while other villages do have elections, they have all been “strictly controlled by the Communist Party.” Perhaps this journalist has never before noticed village elections in China, or they have intentionally sought to accommodate the tastes of Western readers.
In fact, the level of freedom of elections in the countryside in China is extremely high, and they are not controlled by higher-level institutions. . .
Some Western media have raised the question of whether elections in Wukan will “spark further democratization” in other areas of China. This is even more interesting. If all villages fairly elect their village committees in this way, the whole country would eagerly look to this. But the precondition is that we cannot send armed police to ensure order at every village election, and have the whole society watching and monitoring, because our society clearly cannot consume resources to such an extent.

One of the strongest voices reading events in Wukan as an important precedent on February 3 was The Beijing News, which made Wukan the subject of its lead editorial.
The following is a translation of the lead editorial in the February 3, 2012, edition of The Beijing News

“Open and Transparent Elections Open New Chapter for Wukan”
February 3, 2012
A smooth process of selection of the village election committee in Wukan [this week] is a declaration that Wukan is now on the path to legitimate elections, self-governance and a return to normal life; from this we can see that the people of Wukan are willing and able to voice their demands within the framework of the law, and to adequately exercise their rights.
On February 1, Wukan Village in Guangdong’s Lufeng City welcomed the excitement of election day. For many villagers, this was the first time they had voted in an election. Villagers intending to leave [the village] for jobs made a point of staying on in order to cast their ballots. Villagers who were motion challenged were pushed to the polling station in wheelchairs by their relatives. And ultimately, an 11-member village election committee was chosen, which will now be responsible for organizing new elections for the village committee.
From the original mass incident [involving villagers] to the resumption of self-governing elections, from the intervention of the provincial Party and government leadership to the formation of the village election committee, the evolutionary process of the Wukan incident has been a focus all along of outside attention. Without a doubt, the emphasis on “supremacy of the law” (法律至上) on the part of the Party and government since they intervened in the situation played an important role in making possible a favorable transition in this case. Now, the emergence of the village election committee is a declaration that Wukan is now on the path to legitimate elections, self-governance and a return to normal life. This is something people from all walks of society are happy to see, not just the villagers of Wukan.
After the Wukan incident occurred, the outside world turned its attention [on Wukan], and there were many different readings [of the situation]. Some even tacked various labels on to this incident. Now, the people of Wukan have shown through transparent and open elections that all along they were voicing their legitimate interests and pursuing their own rights. But looking back on this incident, this entire process has provided so much that calls on us to draw out its lessons, and it has shown us the path toward achieving grassroots democracy in the countryside.
The root of the Wukan incident lay in the resentment some villagers felt over how village cadres had handled such issues as land, [village] finances and elections. This resentment was ultimately about the rights and interests of the villagers. In dealing with interest disputes, what attitude should the local government take? If the local government is able to correctly assess interest conflicts and provide the people with legitimate channels for seeking effective mediation, then various interests can be balanced at a much lower cost and conflict avoided before the incident can develop [into something more serious].
The efficient, transparent and orderly selection of the election committee in Wukan village stands as a reminder to some government officials that they must trust that the people at the grassroots, including the villagers of Wukan, are willing and able to voice their demands within the framework of the law, and to adequately exercise their rights. In the words of Wukan Party branch chief Lin Zuluan (林祖銮): “So long as things are done according to policies and relevant laws and regulations, the ordinary people [of Wukan] support them. And the elections to come will continue in this spirit.”
In this process, the most important thing for the government is to maintain “supremacy of the law”. Particularly in facing real situations of conflict, the government must not only deal according to the law with illegal conduct, but must more importantly protect the legitimate rights of the people according to the law. Everything that has so far happened in Wukan has been within the framework of policies and laws. And this illustrates that so long as the system is respected, and the rights of the people are respected, many conflicts are entirely avoidable. This message has significance not just to Wukan alone.
One month from now, Wukan will hold elections for the village committee. So long as the principles of transparency and openness continue to hold, with full respect for the rights of the villagers of Wukan, the people of Wukan will be able to elect the village chief (能办事) they feel in their hearts is most “capable and can get things done.” And these normalized elections will also ensure that Wukan steps forward toward a better future.

The following post from Liu Zhiming (刘志明), an investigative reporter for China’s Economic Observer newspaper who writes under the pen name Liu Xiangnan (刘向南), was deleted from Sina Weibo on February 3, 2012. It was accompanied with the photo included below, a map of the Tibetan region of China’s western Sichuan province. Zhang currently has more than 36,000 followers on Weibo, according to Sina’s numbers. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

Xinhua News Agency information: On the afternoon of January 23, in Luhuo County (炉霍县) of the Garze Autonomous Prefecture (甘孜州) of Sichuan, under incitement by illegal elements [or “lawbreakers”] who spread the rumor that “three monks had committed self-immolation and their bodies could not be given over to the government to handle”, more than 100 Tibetan laypeople gathered in the county seat, some bearing knives. They threw stones at police on duty and at armed police, and attacked the police substation. The incident resulted in the injury of five police officers, and one death and four injuries among the lawbreakers.

Readers should note that the post, which contains only information reported by China’s official Xinhua News Agency, is dated January 25, 2012, more than one week ago. The deletion of this post on February 3 could be a sign that internet authorities are moving to more aggressively control all content relating to unrest in Tibet on social media — even official news stories — as the situation in the region grows more tense. It is worth noting that, at present, the Xinhua News Agency report of January 24 cited in Liu’s original Weibo post is still available at many news sites in China. Again, that could suggest more aggressive controls are focusing on microblogs in order to limit discussion.
Liu’s original post follows:

新华网的消息：1月23日下午，四川甘孜州炉霍县发生聚集、打砸事件，在有不法分子“将有3名僧人自焚，不能把遗体交给政府处理”造谣煽动下，上百名藏族僧俗群众在县城聚集，部分人员手持刀具，并向值勤民警和武警投掷石块，冲击公安派出所。事件造成5名公安民警受伤，不法分子1死4伤。

NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

The following post from Zhang Hongjie (张宏杰), a Chinese writer and historian, was deleted from Sina Weibo on February 2, 2012. It was accompanied with the photo included below. Zhang currently has more than 63,000 followers on Weibo, according to Sina’s numbers. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

Various areas of Tibet have launched a “thankfulness education” program for Tibetans, and taking images of [Chinese Communist Party] leaders and “entering villages and homes” is the primary means of carrying out this thankfulness education. Rural households receiving [the posters] expressed their limitless gratitude to the Party and the government, saying they will not abuse the hopes and expectations of the Party and the government, and will resolutely preserve national integrity, solidarity among the nationalities, opposing separatism, conscientiously criticize the Dalai Lama clique, steadfastly moving with the Party.”

Zhang’s original post follows:

西藏各地对藏民开展“感恩教育”，把领导人画像“进村落户”活动做为开展感恩教育的重要形式。受赠农户纷纷表达了对党和政府的无限感恩之情，表示一定不辜负党和政府的期望，坚决维护祖国统一、民族团结，反对分裂，自觉揭批达赖集团，坚定不移地跟党走。

NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

The following post from Tian Weihua (田炜华), a magazine editor in Beijing, was deleted from Sina Weibo on February 2, 2012. It is a re-post of another post by Qiu Yueshou (邱岳首). Tian Weihua currently has more than 120,000 followers on Weibo, according to Sina’s numbers. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

//@QiuYueshou Remembering Guo Quan of Nanjing Normal University.

NOTE: The post refers to the case of former Nanjing Normal University professor and political activist Guo Quan (郭泉), who was detained by police in 2008 and charged with “subversion of state power.” Guo is the founder of the New People’s Party (or New Democracy Party of China), an unauthorized political Party whose platform is to represent the interests of people petitioning for justice on social issues. Guo’s wife, Li Jing, and son arrived in the United States this month after fleeing China.
Tian’s (or Qiu Yueshou’s) original post follows:

//@邱岳首: 想念南京师范大学郭泉。

NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

As the presidential race picks up speed in the United States, China has emerged as a regular theme — and, say some, whipping boy — for candidates in the Republican primaries. An article in the English-language China Daily on January 10 began: “Criticism of China has again become a feature of the US presidential election campaign, but tough rhetoric on the campaign trial will melt away after polling day, analysts said.” The online post from The Washington Post/Foreign Policy back in October noted the trend and suggested it was a regular feature of domestic politics in the United States. In this cartoon, posted by artist Will Luo (罗杰) to his blog at QQ.com and appearing in China Daily, The Republican elephant and the Democratic donkey duke it out in a series of contact sports. In each one, the iconic (and cuddly) China image of the panda bear is caught in the middle. A prediction, no doubt, that bashing China will become a favored sport as incumbent President Barack Obama faces off with his Republican rival this year.

The following post from Chinese economist Han Zhiguo (韩志国) was deleted from Sina Weibo on February 1, 2012. Han Zhiguo currently has more than 3.9 million followers on Weibo, according to Sina’s numbers. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

The issue of separation of the Party and the government has been shouted about for 26 years, but no separation has ever happened; the issue of making the assets of officials a matter of public record has been shouted about for 17 years, but the idea has still been aborted.

Han’s original post follows:

党政分开喊了26年，一直分不开了；官员财产公布喊了17年，还是流产了

The following is a screenshot of Han Zhiguo’s Sina Weibo page:

The following post from Chinese cartoonist Perverted Pepper (变态辣椒), was deleted from Sina Weibo on January 31. Perverted Pepper currently has more than 42,000 followers on Weibo, according to Sina’s numbers. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

The cartoon in the post shows a crowd of faceless Chinese gazing on and cheering as a couple — representing race-car driver and blogger Han Han, and academic Fang Zhouzi, a well-known exposer of fraud who has accused Han of using a ghostwriter — engages in a brutal fight, which no ones lifts a finger to stop. The V’s on their backs mark them as VIP Sina Weibo users, users with usually higher followings whose accounts have been verified by Sina. These Meanwhile, behind the unseeing crowd, a group of figures represents the grave human rights abuses in China that no one seems to see or care to talk about at all. From left to right: 1. Wu Ying (吴英), the former legal representative for a company in Zhejiang recently sentenced to death for alleged illegal pooling of public deposits (吸收公众存款罪); 2. a Tibet monk, a reference to ongoing religious and ethnic strife in the Tibetan regions of west China; 3. Blind lawyer Chen Guangcheng, who remains under house arrest despite a groundswell of international and domestic pressure late last year; 4. Zhang Haidi (张海迪), a well-known author who is an outspoken disabled-right advocate and herself disabled. The reference here is not clear, but Zhang’s presence might be a reference to a 28-year-old author who has been called “Wuxi’s Zhang Haidi“. Afflicted with paralysis at a young age, Weibo users have reported that the author has been hospitalized. Only one of the VIP Sina Weibo users in the circle of spectators is turning to look at the Chen Guangcheng and the others, as if to say: “Hey, shouldn’t we be paying attention to those stories?”
Perverted Pepper’s original post, which included the cartoon above, follows:

变态辣椒2012 : 2012-01-30 23:42:33 感谢@Amy-Zone 给我灵感 涂鸦作品：无题

NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.