Now Executive Director of the China Media Project, leading the project’s research and partnerships, David originally joined the project in Hong Kong in 2004. He is the author of Dragons in Diamond Village (Penguin), a book of reportage about urbanization and social activism in China, and co-editor of Investigative Journalism in China (HKU Press).
China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs today announced what it called “countermeasures” against actions by the Trump administration last month to designate five state-run Chinese media organizations in the United States as “foreign missions.” The measures announced by MOFA, which could seriously escalate tensions between the two countries, make clear that reporters in China for the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post will no longer be permitted to work in China after March 22.
The measures also specify that “the China-based branches of Voice of America, the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post and Time declare in written form information about their staff, finance, operation and real estate in China.” It is not clear exactly what such declarations would mean. Also unclear is the full import of language in the announcement specifying the the expelled reporters from the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post will not be permitted to work as journalists for these media in Hong Kong and Macau.
So far there are few responses or other coverage in the Chinese media. The Global Times, however, posted a report including interviews with two Chinese experts at 2:06AM, suggesting the paper had prepared the report in advance of the MOFA announcement.
A partial translation of the Global Times piece follows.
_______________
“Friendship cannot stand always on one side.” Shen Yi, an assistant professor in the School of International Relations and Public Affairs at Fudan University, told the Global Times in an interview that the measures taken this time by Chinese side toward American media were entirely reciprocal in terms of the number of media affected and the concrete measures taken. This shows that in relations between nations, while it is important to maintain a friendly attitude, friendship must be built on a foundation of reciprocity, not on one-sided forbearance. “If the United States makes things such that it is impossible to play according to the normal rules of the game, then China will also in the future play according to the new rules of the game set by the United States.”
Shen Yi also said that compared to past Chinese responses, this response shows greater confidence on China’s part, and shows greater bluntness and directness. “This tells us that US-China relations have already entered a new phase: China will no longer accept compromise. If the United States is willing to move in the opposite direction, this would be good, but if the United States obstructs China, it will certainly fight back.”
Li Haidong (李海东), a professor at the Institute for International Relations at China Foreign Affairs University, said to the Global Times that China’s response does not seek to make new trouble, but rather hopes through these actions to warn the United States that its own actions are inappropriate, and to press the US to make amends. Only in this way can media dialogue between China and United States be smooth and normal. “This move is also a reminder to the United States that US-China exchanges cannot be made ideological, and cannot be viewed and handled with Cold War thinking.”
He said at the same time that this matter would not obstruct China’s opening to the world, including its opening toward the US. The space for US-China exchanges still exists, and in fact is extremely broad. The two sides should do everything in their power to create conditions, strengthen communication and promote cooperation.
China’s headlines are full of triumph
today. The country’s pending victory in the war against the coronavirus
epidemic, they say, is a testament to the decisive leadership of Xi Jinping and
the Chinese Communist Party, and to the strength and unity of the people. Xi’s
presence in Wuhan yesterday, his first
visit to the center of the epidemic, was reportedly met with euphoria. The
piece at the top of the official People’s Daily, which chronicles Xi’s
tour through a residential community, finishes emotively:
As he left the community, the voices echoed for a long time in the spring sun: “Greetings, General Secretary!” “Go China!” “Go Wuhan!”
A report
featured at the top of the newspaper’s website elevates Xi with the word “leader,”
or lingxiu (领袖), an appellation dredged
up from the shadows of China’s Maoist past: “The Party and the people are
as one, the leader’s heart touches the hearts of the people.”
People’s Daily Online today. The top headline: “In 1 Month 3 Visits to the Frontlines! The General Secretary is With the People in the War Against the ‘Epidemic.'”
But beneath this towering wave of
propaganda and positivity, another war has unfolded—a guerrilla war for greater
openness, honesty and reflection about the tragic events of the past two
months.
As Xi Jinping toured through Wuhan yesterday, a bombshell feature story by reporter Gong Jingqi (龚菁琦) in the latest edition of China’s People (人物) magazine made the rounds on social media. The story was based on an interview with Ai Fen, the director of the emergency department at Wuhan Central Hospital, one of the hospitals most directly affected by the epidemic in the provincial capital.
In her account Ai talks about her decision on December 30 last year to share with another health professional an image of a diagnostic report for a patient showing that they had “SARS coronavirus.” It was this image, passed between doctors in Wuhan, that resulted in eight doctors, including the now-deceased Li Wenliang, enduring harsh reprimands from local police. At the time, Ai was herself called in by the Disciplinary Office of her hospital and accused of “manufacturing rumors.”
The cover of the most recent edition of People magazine, the main story on “The Doctors of Wuhan.”
Ai shares her sense of regret now that
she did not choose to speak up loudly and repeatedly, most of all for the sake
of her colleagues, several of whom have now died as a result of the virus.
The Gong Jingqi piece is one of the strongest to appear to date in the Chinese media, and it paints a damning picture of how the signs were wilfully ignored by officials at the start of the outbreak, when more might have been done. During her reprimand, Ai Fen is told by the hospital disciplinary official: “When we go out to take part in meetings we can’t even raise our heads. This or that director criticizes us and talks about how our hospital has that Ai Fen. As the head of the emergency unit at Wuhan Central Hospital you are a professional. How can you go and stir up a rumor like this without reason, without any organizational discipline?”
The story was called, “The One Who Handed Out the Whistles,” a reference to Ai Fen’s insistence in her interview that she is not a “whistleblower,” but that her sharing of the original diagnostic report had enabled others, including Li Wenliang, to blow the whistle.
But of course the publication of Gong’s piece was just the beginning of its own story. The article was shared feverishly on social media, and just as feverishly expunged by the authorities. For such a report to circulate on the day of Xi Jinping’s “front-line” visit to Wuhan was of course unacceptable.
A notice on WeChat announces that a post on the People magazine feature story has been removed.
The authorities pushed. And Chinese
pushed back on social media, with a level of creative defiance that was all at
once ingenious, mystifying, heartening and sad. For reference, here is the
opening paragraph of the story, translated with the original Chinese.
It was at 5AM on March 1 that I received a text message from Ai Fen, the director of the emergency department of Wuhan Central Hospital, agreeing to an interview. About half an hour later, at 5:32AM on March 1, her colleague Jiang Xueqing, director of the Breast and Thyroid Center, passed away, having contracted Covid-19. Two days later came the death of Mei Zhongming, her hospital’s deputy director of ophthalmology. He and Li Wenliang had been in the same department.
And here is one attempt a user made to
share Gong Jingqi’s story as the original versions were being taken down one after
the other. The top of the post reads: “That piece, ‘The One Who Handed Out the
Whistles.’” But this is not in Chinese characters, readable by automated filters.
Rather, it is in pinyin, a Chinese romanization system, with tonal marks over
the words.
In this form, Gong’s article is of course still readable. A method like this may work for a period of time before censors grow wise and remove it, often when it is seen to attract a critical mass of attention.
And when this fails? What then? How do
you share “that piece,” the one everyone is talking about, the one that makes a farce of state
propaganda?
Another internet user answered this challenge by posting the entire article in Korean, a language not recognized or prioritized by online censors. The story could then be copied by readers and put through a translation engine.
Gong Jingqi’s feature story is shared in Korean to evade censorship.
If Korean fails, the article can also be shared paragraph by paragraph through a series of QR codes. Try scanning this and you should see the story’s lede.
Still another reader chose to share and preserve this important story by reading it aloud in its entirely and recording it, then posting it to the audio site Ximalaya. He prefaces the piece by saying simply: “In this way I’ll voice my views and record history.”
But the prize for creativity goes perhaps to a WeChat post that reached back into the history of communication to find new inspiration. The post explains to readers what a telegram is, and its history in China, in which unique four-digit numbers were assigned to Chinese characters (list here), which could then be decrypted. The post follows with a long list of four-digit numbers:
What does this say when you decode it? The
first four sets of characters spell out the beginning of Gong Jingqi’s story as
provided above. Here are the codes highlighted with their corresponding Chinese
characters.
This is just a taste of the ingenious workarounds that appeared this morning, and which still continue. Taken together they mark a determination not to be silenced, not to allow the truth to be swept away on Xi Jinping’s tide of “positive energy.”
A very brief portion of the People
feature story is translated below, followed by the Chinese original in its
entirety.
______________
It was at 5AM on March 1 that I received
a text message from Ai Fen, the director of the emergency department of Wuhan
Central Hospital, agreeing to an interview. About half an hour later, at 5:32AM
on March 1, her colleague Jiang Xueqing, director of the Breast and Thyroid
Center, passed away, having contracted Covid-19. Two days later came the death
of Mei Zhongming, her hospital’s deputy director of ophthalmology. He and Li
Wenliang had been in the same department.
As of March 9, 2020, four medical staff
at the Wuhan Central Hospital had died of Covid-19. Since the coronavirus
outbreak, this hospital, located just a few kilometers away from the Huanan
Seafood Market, has become one of the hospitals in Wuhan with the largest
number of medical staff to become infected by the virus. According to media
reports, more than 200 people from the hospital have been infected, including
three deputy hospital directors and multiple directors of various departments.
Many department directors are currently undergoing ECMO treatment [for acute
lung failure].
The shadow of death hangs over this, the
largest of Wuhan’s three primary hospitals. One doctor tells People that almost
no one among the medical staff speaks. They only mourn quietly and discuss
privately.
There was at the start an opportunity to
avoid this tragedy. On December 30, 2019, Ai Fen received a diagnostic report
from a patient with an unknown form of pneumonia, and she drew a red circle
around the words “SARS coronavirus.” When she was asked about the
case by a college classmate, she took a photograph of the report and sent it to
the fellow doctor. That night, this report made its way among doctors in Wuhan,
and among those to share the report were the 8 doctors later taken in for
questioning by the police.
This created problems for Ai Fen. As the
source of the communication, she was called in for a chat with the Disciplinary
Office of the hospital and received a “harsh and unprecedented
reprimand,” told that she was manufacturing rumors as a professional.
On the afternoon of March 2, Ai Fen was
interviewed by People at the Wuhan Central Hospital wing on Nanjing Road. She
sat on her own in the emergency room office, and the emergency room that had
over the past day received more than 1,500 [coronavirus] patients had now
become quiet, with just a single vagrant loitering in the waiting room.
A number of previous reports have said,
referring to Ai Fen, that “another female doctor who was questioned has
surfaced.” And some have called her a “whistleblower.” Ai Fen
corrects these accounts, insisting that she is not a whistleblower — rather,
she is the “one who handed out the whistles.” In her interview, Ai
Fen used the word “regret” many times. She regrets that after she was
reprimanded that first time she did not continue to blow the whistle,
especially for those colleagues who have already passed on. “Had I known
this day would come, I would have cared nothing for their criticism, but would
have spoken up wherever I could, right?”
CMP reported yesterday on the firestorm that ensued online in
China as news circulated that Wuhan’s top official, Wang Zhonglin (王忠林), said during an internal meeting
that the city needed to “carry out gratitude education among the citizens of
the whole city” so that they thank Xi Jinping and the Communist Party of China
for the response to the coronavirus epidemic.
Internal directives from press control officials now suggest this
has been a full-blown public opinion crisis for the Party, and that the wound
was self-inflicted. Media have been ordered not to share the original article,
publish commentaries, or otherwise address the issue at all. The report on Wang’s
remarks by Wuhan’s official Changjiang Daily has been withdrawn, but remains
available online
from certain sources.
A March 7 WeChat post on Wang Zhonglin’s “gratitude education” remarks has now been removed.
Below is CMP’s translation of an announcement for an internal
propaganda meeting held last night, with required attendance from key central
Party media and local propaganda offices. The announcement clearly says that
what it now calls the “’gratitude education’ incident” invited “raging public
opinion,” and that it was comparable as a “public opinion incident” to the uproar
that followed the death of Dr. Li Wenliang.
The coronavirus epidemic has been a serious
test of the Chinese Communist Party’s capacity to “guide public opinion,” a
phrase it uses to describe the work of controlling and redirecting information
in order to maintain political stability and the Party’s legitimacy in the eyes
of the public. Efforts by an often rigid and unresponsive Party-state media system
to turn the tide of criticism away from the government have often backfired,
encouraging anger and resentment with the leadership’s apparent interest in managing
appearances over acknowledging and grappling with problems.
One of the most obvious cases in point
came last Friday as footage
emerged online and on social media of residents in Wuhan shouting from
their high-rise apartments during an inspection visit by vice-premier Sun
Chunlan: “Fake! Fake! Everything is fake!” It was possibly this embarrassing
episode that prompted Wang Zhonglin, who was appointed in
February to replace Ma Guoqiang (马国强) as
Wuhan’s Party secretary in a leadership shake-up, to suggest the necessity of a
campaign of “gratitude education.”
The internal announcement on the “’gratitude education’ incident”
urges all media to “consider the feelings of the people of Wuhan” in news and
propaganda reports. But the focus remains, unsurprisingly, on the end goal of “easing
the emotions of the people”—as though public opinion itself is the primary challenge.
The announcement stresses the importance, in this regard, of a special series
called “Entering Communities, Listening to People’s Voices, Alleviating People’s
Concerns” (进社区,
听民声, 解民忧).
We can find this phrase
being deployed already in Wuhan, and it appears on the front page of today’s
Changjiang Daily. The following image is from the lower right-hand
corner, pointing readers to page 3.
Page 3 is a full page of more informational content about the coronavirus epidemic in the city, under the headline: “Where Do Non-Coronavirus Patients Seek Medical Care, and How.” The subhead seems almost pleading in light of the insistence in the internal announcement (below) that media focus on alleviating the concerns of the public: “Bearing Concern for Community Residents, We Asked 4 Hospitals.”
A series of articles follows on the left-hand side explaining the
situation at various local hospitals. Vertically across the right-hand side are
questions from readers that are answered by the newspaper. One reader asks, for
example, what to do if his annual vehicle inspection for his driver’s license
is due but not possible owing to suspension of such services. The response
explains that drivers in this situation will not be fined by transport authorities
for such violations during the quarantine period.
These are certainly interesting times to observe the mechanics of
press control and “public opinion guidance” in China.
____________
March 7, 2020
21:15-21:50
Host: State Council
Information Office
Principal Participating Units:People’s
Daily, Xinhua News Agency, Guangming Daily, China Central
Television, The Paper, Economic Daily, China Youth Daily,
Guangdong Propaganda Department, Hubei Propaganda Department, Propaganda
Department of Wuhan City, and others.
1.Notice on the situation concerning the “gratitude
education” incident, providing an internal grasp
Today Changjiang Daily’s report on “gratitude
education” invited raging public opinion (舆情汹通), the intensity of the public opinion response being similar to
that following the death of a certain doctor. Through communications between
provincial and city leaders, and after a request to central authorities it was
agreed: Changjiang Daily, [the WeChat account] Wuhan China (武汉发布)
and Wuhan Television will remove the article at its source, and no other
media will be permitted to follow-up with reports or commentaries!
This matter is a classic case of public opinion created by our own
work (自身工作), in particular an insufficiently
strict hold at Changjiang Daily, and[we] must draw lessons from this,
and reflect back seriously.
On this matter, Minister [Huang] Kunming (黄坤明) [of the Central Propaganda Department] especially made a phone
call to stress: This matter fully shows that with Wuhan now having been shut
down for more than 40 days, the lives of the ordinary people have been affected
to such an extent that there is resentment and anger, and all reports must
consider the feelings of the people of Wuhan. This matter also sounds a warning
to all of our media, that they must definitely consider the particular
situation facing Wuhan and the feelings of the people.
The immense reaction created by this incident again shows the
significance and importance of our running the special series “Entering
Communities, Listening to People’s Voices, Alleviating People’s Concerns,”easing
the emotions of the people – not to teach the people gratitude, but to
alleviate their concerns.
Here we warn particularly: all media, regardless of whether in internal reporting (内宣) or external propaganda (外宣), regardless of whether they are central or local media, regardless of whether they are online or offline, must heed the calls [of the CCP], must all be strategically aligned in their consciousness, forming a coordinated unit of struggle (战斗部队), and must not fight independently.
Anger simmered on social media in China today as state media reported remarks made by Wang Zhonglin (王忠林), Wuhan’s new top official, during a video conference on the city’s response to the coronavirus epidemic. Wang, who was appointed in February to replace Ma Guoqiang (马国强) as Wuhan’s Party secretary, reportedly said that it was necessary to “carry out gratitude education among the citizens of the whole city, so that they thank the General Secretary [Xi Jinping], thank the Chinese Communist Party, heed the Party, walk with the Party, and create strong positive energy.”
A release reporting Wang’s speech reiterated Xi Jinping’s words earlier this month,
in which he said, “Wuhan is a heroic city, and the people of Hubei, the people
of Wuhan, are heroic people.” Xi referred to Wuhan as a key “battleground” in
the “war” against the coronavirus, in keeping with the central propaganda
themes the Chinese Communist Party has emphasized since February – of fierce
struggle, personal sacrifice and unity, all under the stolid leadership of the
CCP.
Wang Zhonglin said in his speech that the Party must employ various forms of propaganda and education campaigns to carry out “gratitude education” among the population of Wuhan. Echoing Xi, he said: “The people of Wuhan are heroic people, and they are also thankful people.” The story was reported in Changjiang Daily, the official newspaper under Wuhan’s Party committee, but was shared widely across social media.
The remarks, coming at a time when there is widespread concern about the real implications of the coronavirus epidemic and lingering anger over the government response, generated fury online, and were viewed by many Chinese as tasteless and disgusting. News of the remarks cameless than a day after video emerged online from Wuhan in which residents in a cluster of high-rise apartment buildings can be heard shouting, “Fake! Fake! Everything is fake!” as China’s vice-premier Sun Chunlan (孙春兰) makes a tour of the area.
In a post to WeChat called “Have a Bit of Conscience: It’s Not Time to Ask the People of Wuhan for their Thanks,” journalist Chu Zhaoxin (褚朝新) remarked on the release yesterday of the video taken during Sun Chunlan’s neighborhood tour, and suggested Wang Zhonglin’s timing was insensitive. “This is public opinion, this is reality,” Chu wrote of the video. “People who are not blind or deaf can see and hear, and those who are not blind can feel it.”
Chu did not know, he said, whether Wang Zhonglin’s words were a direct response to yesterday’s heckling of the inspection group led by the vice-premier, but in any case the suggestion that the Wuhan people required “gratitude education” was misplaced. “If this is Wang Zhonglin’s idea, I think he needs to educate himself. You are a public servant, and your job is to serve the people. Now the people you serve are broken, the dead are still cold, and the tears of the living have not yet dried. The sick have not yet recovered, and much of their dissatisfaction is completely reasonable. Rather than blaming the people in Wuhan you serve for not being grateful, you should reflect and be ashamed because you and your team are not working properly.”
Chu’s post was deleted by late morning on Saturday. But we have archived a version below.
[UPDATE: 8PM Hong Kong time]
A WeChat post on Wang Zhonglin’s remarks from the official account of the city of Wuhan, “Wuhan China” (武汉发布), has now been deleted. Clearly, there has been huge blowback on this, and the government fears a creating wave of negative opinion.
How do you ensure a story has a fairy tale ending? You write the ending yourself of course. In recent days, official state media in China have celebrated the publication of A Battle Against Epidemic: China Combatting Covid-19 in 2020, a book that compiles writing by official state media to paint a portrait of leadership resolve in the face of a major challenge.
So it seems that while we all wait to see how the Covid-19 fares in the rest of the world, the verdict is already out on the epidemic as a major show of resolve on the part of the Chinese Communist Party. The story has already been written.
According to the Xinhua News Agency release on the book, it “collectively reflects General Secretary Xi Jinping’s commitment to the people, his sense of mission, his far-reaching strategic vision and outstanding leadership as the leader of a major power.”
This is a narrative being pushed insistently in the People’s Daily
and other Party-state media in recent days. The idea that the Chinese Communist
Party, despite all evidence to the contrary, and despite the broad undercurrent
of popular anger on Chinese social media, has faced the epidemic with great wisdom
and effectiveness from the start.
Just look at page three of today’s People’s Daily, on which an article with the headline, “’China Has Shown Stunning Collective Action and Cooperative Spirit,’” is accompanied by another called, “How Has America Done in the Face of the Epidemic?” While the former, manipulating the remarks of the WHO’s Bruce Aylward, praises China’s readiness and speed of response, the latter accuses the U.S. of being more focused on anti-China smear tactics than on action to prevent the spread of the virus. This piece even manages to justify China’s recent decision to expel reporters from the Wall Street Journal: “They must be made aware that the dignity of the Chinese people must not be compromised, and China’s bottom line must not be touched. A few days ago, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced the suspension of the credentials of three journalists from the Wall Street Journal, delivering a loud slap.”
Yesterday, too, the newspaper ran a prominent front-page piece on China’s epidemic response that characterized the entire crisis as a “test” that the country and its leadership had essentially passed with flying colors: “The results obtained in the epidemic control and response work are no small feat,” it read, “and many sides have undertaken many arduous asks, putting in great efforts, once again making clear the obvious superiority of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.”
China’s official nightly newscast Xinwen Lianbo reports on February 26 about the launch of the new book about Xi Jinping’s response to the epidemic.
CMP co-director Qian Gang wrote
recently about the puzzling and infuriating tone-deafness of the People’s
Daily through January and much of this month, how they were committed to
the point of absurdity to pre-arranged propaganda themes about the greatness of
Xi Jinping and the realization of a “moderately wealthy society.” He described
this inability to shift focus to the most clearly urgent matter at hand, the coronavirus
epidemic, as systemic. “The system of the CCP is like a great big elephant,” he
wrote. “It is difficult for the sudden and unexpected to force any change to
its huge and lumbering gait.”
The elephant has now changed directions. It plods confidently forward with a revisionist narrative of competence and collective victory. And these themes can now return us to familiar tropes, like the notion that China offers an inspirational political model that can better instruct the world. So the Xinhua release reports that A Battle Against Epidemic will be published in English, French, Spanish, Russian and Arabic editions, “the first book to date both domestically and overseas to follow and introduce China’s epidemic prevention and control work.”
Where is this nonsense coming from? The book is published, we are told,
by the Central Propaganda Department, the Information Office of the State Council
and the China Intercontinental Communication Center (CICC). In fact, these
three partners are essentially a single party. Trace CICC in China’s national enterprise credit system
and you find that it is listed as being fully run by the “Central Propaganda
Department (Information Office of the State Council).”
So of course, no surprise, this was a scheme that must have developed at the top of China’s propaganda apparatus at least a number of weeks ago, possibly from shortly after Xi commented publicly for the first time on the coronavirus epidemic.
Will this nonsense work? China has managed many times in the past to simply move on, brushing uncomfortable facts and even immense tragedies under the rug, and changing the topic of conversation. But there is still a great deal of anger being directed toward leaders, judging from activity on social media, and efforts like this new book to distract and redirect can themselves feed the embers.
Here is one image making the rounds today on WeChat, in which the cover of A Battle Against Epidemic is hemmed in on all sides by Chinese banners that read:
Shameless to the extreme.
Painting fine pictures on the bones of the dead.
Distilling essence from human blood.
Certainly, some Chinese may move on from this crisis and think it better to forget and to say nothing. Others, however, will no doubt remember the very real lives sacrificed for the sake of these political slogans, and these glorious fairy tales.
Czech writer Milan Kundera once wrote: “Kitsch causes two tears to flow in quick succession. The first tear says: How nice to see children running on the grass! The second tear says: How nice to be moved, together with all mankind, by children running on the grass.” Facing the enormous task of controlling and directing public opinion in the midst of widespread anger over the handling of the coronavirus epidemic, and serious questions about the priorities of the leadership, China’s Party-state media have turned to a tried-and-true formula: turning on the kitsch.
Kundera, as scholar Robert Solomon writes, is “concerned with a particular kind of political propaganda that intentionally eclipses harsh realities with emotion and uses sweet sentiments to preclude criticism.” This exploitation of human emotion, which strips it of the immediacy of felt experience and abstracts it as collective pathos, is an ancient art practiced by dictators. “In politics,” writes Thorsten Botz-Bornstein, “most dictators have attempted to reinforce their authority with the help of kitsch propaganda.”
In yesterday’s People’s Daily we can find a consummate piece of kitsch propaganda given position of prominence right below the masthead. The article, “Heroic City, Heroic People,” is an emotional hymn dedicated to front-line medical workers, officials and ordinary people. But the real objective of the article is to underscore the Chinese Communist Party as the enabler of miraculous human feats.
This is classic propaganda kitsch, and Kundera’s tears flow from
the very first lines.
“Doctor, please deep further away from
me.”
This
statement from a [coronavirus] patient in Wuhan reddened the eyes of the
doctor, and it brings tears to the eyes of countless people.
Even
as Chinese medical workers from the epicentre of the crisis in Wuhan issued
a call in one of the world’s most respected medical journals, The Lancet,
for urgent assistance from colleagues around the world as they face physical and
psychological exhaustion, the Party’s flagship newspaper transforms misery and
desperation into tear-inducing sacrifice. Look, for example, at its description
of Peng Yinhua, a 29 year-old doctor who died on February 20:
.
. . . 29 year-old Peng Yinhua, a doctor in the Division of Pulmonary Care and
Critical Medicine at the First People’s Hospital in Wuhan’s Jiangxia District, had
originally prepared for a wedding with his wife on February 1. When the
epidemic came, he threw himself onto the front lines. When the patients were
greatest in number, this meant working two days and two nights straight, taking
responsibility for as many as 40 patients. But who could imagine that this charge
into battle would lead to his eternal departure . . . .
In this passage the very human Peng seems not to die with real humanity, but rather to fade, as though he is exiting the stage in a drama.
And
of course kitsch propaganda must anneal the softness of personal tragedy into
the hard steel of sacrifice. So we are told that “more than
40,000 medical staff from 29 provinces, autonomous regions and cities . . . . were
deployed to assist Hubei and Wuhan,” that they “entered the battle as soon as
possible, racing against time, testing their strength against the demon of
disease, all to continue the relay of life!”
“In the history of the world’s fight against epidemic disease, to gather 40,000 medical personnel in one city over a few short days – this is to generate a miracle!”
But kitsch propaganda can backfire in the face of a public that is digitally connected, and far more savvy than in the past about the tropes used by the state-run media. Earlier this month, internet users responded with irritation to a video posted by the official Gansu Daily newspaper that showed nurses weeping as their heads were shaved before their deployment to treat patients in Hubei province. The video described the female nurses as “most beautiful warriors,” and made emotional fodder of their sacrifice.
As reported
by Quartz, a writer named Chen Mashu remarked in a WeChat post since
removed by authorities: “The coverage made me think: Why does our media
always like to use the sacrifices females make as a tool for propaganda? …for
women who don’t cut their hair, aren’t pregnant and are healthy, do they not
deserve to be mentioned?”
Chen clearly does not appreciate the finer points of kitsch.
_______________
[partial translation]
Heroic City, Heroic People:
Dedicated to the People of Wuhan in the Midst of the Struggle for Epidemic Prevention and Control
People’s
Daily
February
25, 2020
“Doctor,
please deep further away from me.”
This
statement from a [coronavirus] patient in Wuhan reddened the eyes of the
doctor, and it brings tears to the eyes of countless people.
Keeping
the doctor away is about the concern they might be infected, and it is the hope
that “they can protect the lives of more Wuhan citizens.“
“A
person holds up the sky, a heart warms a city . . . . “ Many people have left
messages like this.
In
this city, over these days, this kind of story has unfolded every day. This kind
and respectable patient is just one of millions of ordinary people in this
city.
An
epidemic that suddenly came has changed this city, and it is changing the spirit
of the people in this city.
This
outbreak with such urgency, has made of the country one community (疫情催人急,家国共同体).
Every day, white-clad and fearless warriors, the undaunted people’s police,
community officials keeping watch day and night, all are fighting on the front
lines; the people of this city come together as a city, keeping watch and
rendering mutual aid, seeing the overall situation facing all, conscientiously
cooperating with epidemic prevention and control [measures], showing perseverance
and a stolid fighting spirit, all writing together a chapter of great unity!
We
salute a heroic city, and a heroic people!
“Every
second brings hope to more people!”
Were
it not for this epidemic, the scene in Wuhan would be a different: Tourists weaving
their way toward the Yellow
Crane Tower, cars rushing across the Yangtze Bridge, busy scenes at the
Hankou Station, laughter and applause rising from Chu River and Han
Street, and bosses at the noodle shops along Hubu Lane greeting customers
with a “Good Morning!”
Normal
life has suddenly been interrupted by this epidemic.
On
January 23, Wuhan’s streets were closed, and the city of Wuhan entered “wartime.”
This
Virus is Dangerous, But Containment is Imminent
The
epidemic is a command, and our hospitals have become the battlefield!
Liu
Zhiming (刘智明), head of Wuchang Hospital in Wuhan, rushed to the fire. From January
21, to January 23, Liu Zhiming worked three consecutive nights transforming the
Wuchang Hospital into a designated hospital, transferring the 499 patients originally
under care there within just two days, and making 500 beds available. Today, more and more patients are being discharged from the hospital, but Liu
Zhiming’s life has been fixed at 51 years of age. [NOTE: Liu Zhiming passed
away from the coronavirus on February 17.]
. . . . 29 year-old Peng Yinhua (彭银华), a doctor in the Division of Pulmonary Care and Critical Medicine at the First People’s Hospital in Wuhan’s Jiangxia District, had originally prepared for a wedding with his wife on February 1. When the epidemic came, he threw himself onto the front lines. When the patients were greatest in number, this meant working two days and two nights straight, taking responsibility for as many as 40 patients. But who could imagine that this charge into battle would lead to his eternal departure . . . . [NOTE: Peng Yinhua passed away on February 20.]
The
epidemic sounded a rally call for all to face a test of life and death. From
January 23, medical staff from all over the country and from the army rushed to
Wuhan, and the scope of support expanded to the whole of Hubei province. More
than 40,000 medical staff from 29 provinces, autonomous regions and cities, as
well as from the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps and the entire military
system were deployed to assist Hubei and Wuhan. They entered the battle as soon
as possible, racing against time, testing their strength against the demon of
disease, all to continue the relay of life!
In
order to not impact the flow of their work, some doctors and nurses wore adult
diapers. In order to save protective gear [which can only be worn once], some extended
their shifts from 4 hours to 6 . . . . Their white outfits are war fatigues,
and they are the most beautiful resisters, the most adorable people of the New
Era!
In the history of the world’s fight against epidemic disease, to gather 40,000 medical personnel in one city over a few short days – this is to generate a miracle!
A notice issued yesterday by the Cyberspace Administration of China, the central agency for control of the internet and social media, provides a glimpse not just of the actions being taken now by the authorities to control information about the coronavirus epidemic, but also of the platforms and activities that have threatened the Party’s dominance of information in recent days.
The notice, for example, singles out a number of WeChat public accounts alleged to have “illegally carried out reporting activities,” meaning that they are accused of acting journalistically, pursuing their own information on the epidemic. It orders the removal from app stores of “Pipi Gaoxiao” (皮皮搞笑), a platform for the sharing of short videos, suggesting that material on the platform has “spread panic.”
An online link to the “Pipi Gaoxiao” app now yields a 404 error, page not found.
The notice also says that Sina Weibo, Tencent, ByteDance and other internet companies will now be under “special supervision” (专项督导), which means essentially that the companies operating many of the country’s biggest and most popular internet platforms and services have been put on notice and are subject to much more active supervision and management by the CAC.
Here is a translation of the notice:
In recent days, the Cyberspace Administration of China has, on the basis of reports from the masses, directed local CACs to seriously deal with such information and content as the “Pipi Gaoxiao” (皮皮搞笑) online social platform which has distributed harmful short videos about the coronavirus outbreak, and has spread panic, [ordering them to] remove the app from the app store immediately. Concerning certain products on the Baidu web platform posting information in violation of regulations to users and conducting lax management, and Huxiu and other online platforms illegally engaging in internet news information services in epidemic-related reports and other problems, [the companies] have been called in for discussions in accord with the law. They have been ordered to immediately stop all illegal conduct and to carry out comprehensive and deep rectification, and these relevant online platforms [have been ordered to] close down problem sections (问题栏目). Concerning Sina Weibo, Tencent, ByteDance and other internet companies, special supervision (专项督导) will now be in effect. Concerning [the WeChat public accounts] “Netease Finance” (网易财经), “Sina Weitianxia” (新浪微天下), “Guyu Laboratory” (谷雨实验室), “Jianmeow” (史上最贱喵) and other online accounts that have illegally carried out reporting activities (自采), broadcast untrue information and other problems, they will be handed in a timely manner.
The CAC continues to strengthen its direction of provincial-level CACs, demanding that online platforms strictly carry out their responsibilities [in regard to content controls], and that local CACs actively exercise their management responsibilities, creating a favorable online environment for winning the war for prevention and control of the coronavirus outbreak.
The notice issued yesterday by the Cyberspace Administration of China.
A notice released to Chinese media this week concerning the coronavirus outbreak suggests that in terms of information and media policy we have now entered a new phase in which propaganda authorities are making a renewed push to secure the source of information and wrestle back control of public opinion.
Over the past two weeks, as the scale of the epidemic and the attempted cover-up became clear, Chinese commercial media and “self-media” (自媒体) led the charge in reporting and commentary, and authorities found it difficult to restrain information — particularly in the face of public anger and insatiable demand. This pattern is very similar to what we saw in the aftermath of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake and the 2011 Wenzhou train collision, providing a narrow window of opportunity to more enterprising media.
That window now seems to be closing. The focus of the authorities is on controlling the source and then pushing reporting and framing by trusted Party-state media as “authoritative” information. The instructions are as follows:
Reports concerning the epidemic must take [information from] authoritative departments as the standard. Sources of articles must be strictly regulated (严格规范), independent reporting (自采) is strictly prohibited, and the use of non-regulated (非规范) article sources, particularly self-media (自媒体) is strictly prohibited. Without joint arrangements [with authorities], daring to use outside media reports is strictly prohibited. When distributing authoritative reports, the original meaning of the news must not be twisted, such as through “misleading headlines” (标题党). Pop-up means must not be used to push unregulated articles or information, unverified information and information that might have a negative influence. Do not render commentary on our global mobilization to purchase prevention and control materials, in order to avoid interference with our overseas purchasing work. Do not render commentary on the economic impact of the epidemic, resolutely preventing talk of the Chinese economy being undermined by the epidemic. On the extension of the Spring Festival holiday in various locales, do not collect [information], do not make comparisons, and do not relate this with hyping or commentary to the impact on economic development.
As China’s battle against the coronavirus outbreak continues, anger has spilled over online, testing the leadership’s capacity to achieve what it calls “guidance of public opinion,” or the control of society through information control. Users on WeChat, Weibo and many other platforms have shared stories, photos, video, or simply vented their rage at what many see as the inadequacy of the government’s response, particularly at the early stages of the outbreak.
And as communities across China mobilize against the spread of the disease, they are naturally exercising one very creative (and often revealing) aspect of the country’s political culture – the ubiquitous “slogan,” or biāoyǔ (标语). Such slogans, which may deal with local or national policy issues as well as the personal — everything from (in the past) the one-child policy, to pushing basic social mores (like caring for one’s parents), to protests over the forced demolition of one’s home — are generally very simple in structure, direct (or even crude) and easy to understand.
Here we share a number of current slogans invented in the midst of the coronavirus outbreak that have appeared on social media (see link above) and are reportedly from communities across China. We provide in some cases only approximate translations for these clever and frightful creations, some quite difficult to fully convey.
[1]
口罩还是呼吸机,
您老看着二选一
A face mask or a breathing tube,
Make a
choice, it’s up to you.
[2]
带病回乡, 不孝儿郎
传染爹娘,丧尽天良
Returning
home with your disease,
Will not
make your parents pleased.
Infect mom
and dad,
And your conscience is bad.
[3]
省小钱不戴口罩,
花大钱卧床治病
Save money
not wearing a mask,
Spend big getting
cured in your sickbed.
[4]
不聚餐是为了以后还能吃饭,
不串门是为了以后还有亲人
Not gathering for a feast is so you can eat in the future,
Not visiting
others is so you still have relatives in the future.
As it
grapples with the Wuhan coronavirus outbreak, China is now dealing with the most
serious infectious disease crisis since the 2003 outbreak of Severe Acute
Respiratory Syndrome (SARS). Many experts agree that China’s monitoring and response systems
have progressed a great deal since the cover up that year proved a major embarrassment to the
government and prompted a rethink of policies to deal with so-called
“sudden-breaking incidents,” or tufa shijian (突发事件).
SARS in 2003 and the window of relative openness that followed the humiliating revelations of a cover up, the first great challenge to face the Hu Jintao administration, offered a new generation of Chinese media opportunities to break out professionally. The year was in many ways the culmination of changes happening progressively in the Chinese media through the second half of the 1990s.
This year we can see the difference clearly enough if we visit the websites and front pages (and news apps) of major commercial media such as The Beijing News, Southern Metropolis Daily and The Paper.
Here is
what you see today if you visit the website of The Beijing News, for example. The coronavirus
outbreak is the top story, completely dominating the photo feature space with
scenes from Wuhan.
This is not
to say, of course, that the coverage is comprehensive, or that it necessarily
offers a full balance of perspectives. Official sources of information seem to
take precedence.
But in lieu
of a more detailed content study – which we’re not attempting here – we can say
that the story is front and center at The Beijing News. The story that
most concerns people right now is the story receiving the most attention.
The same is
true if we look at the front page of Guangzhou’s Southern Metropolis Daily
today. Sure, official sources dominate here, the focus apparently on reporting
the official numbers and official actions being taken. But all of the bold
headlines on the front page deal with the coronavirus outbreak.
At The
Paper (澎湃), the
headlines on the website and news app again focus on the coronavirus outbreak,
with scores of stories, national and local, dominating the page, to the point
it seems there is no other news to talk about.
But of course there is other “news” to talk about if your point of reference is the burning priorities of the Chinese Communist Party, and not necessarily the issues of clear and present concern to the public.
This most recent infectious disease crisis, with its echoes of SARS, once again exposes the basic nature of China’s Party media outlets, and their interest in “serving the Party” over the public interest – the domination of the “Party nature” (党性) over the “people nature” (人民性), to reference the debate over news values that raged in the late 1980s between then People’s Daily editor in chief Hu Jiwei (胡绩伟), a proponent of liberalization of the press, and the hardliner Hu Qiaomu (胡乔木).
If we look
today at central Party media, we can see the Party agenda obliviously playing
out right in the midst of this latest health crisis.
At the People’s Daily Online today, the epidemic appears but is pushed down below six other stories of quite questionable news relevance – unless one understands the way CCP leaders define priority and relevance.
The report
that gets top billing at the site today is about a gathering yesterday of
former senior officials ahead of the Spring Festival. It is essentially just a
list of names, including Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and Zhu Rongji, that ends with expressions
of support for Xi Jinping: “The old comrades expressed their thanks and high
assessment of how the Party with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core had led the
whole Party, the whole army and all the people’s of the country in realizing
historic achievements, and they voiced their heartfelt support for Secretary Xi
Jinping as the core of the CCP and of the whole Party.”
Why would such a story be emphasized over a national health crisis? The reason is not necessarily distraction, though the leadership certainly wishes everyone could look away. This story is there to serve the paramount purpose of reiterating Xi Jinping’s power and status, one of the primary roles played by Party media.
Second billing goes to a story about Xi Jinping sending a congratulatory letter to the China-Italy year of culture and tourism in Rome, along with Italian President Sergio Mattarella. Again, there is little real news value for the public, but the chief objective here is to show Xi Jinping engaged internationally. The third story at the top of People’s Daily Online, a report about Xi Jinping’s visit to Myanmar, serves the same purpose, to show Xi as a leader engaged in the region. The report, full of Xi governing concepts, talks of the goal of “opening a new era of community of common destiny between China and Myanmar” (开辟中缅命运共同体的新时代), a reference to one of Xi’s core foreign policy terminologies.
Three more
stories follow these, about Wang Yang and religion, about Wang Huning and
culture, and about Han Zheng at the World Economic Forum, before we even get to
any acknowledgment whatsoever that China is facing a new disease outbreak.
The first
acknowledgment we have is a report about a press conference this
morning in Beijing
in which Liu Wei (李斌), head of China’s National Health Commission, spoke about the latest
situation and the government’s priorities. The second is a commentary in which the writer urges all
members of society to consider the common good in light of the epidemic, and
not to take actions out of personal interest that risk further spreading
disease. The commentary talks about a number of reports that have infuriated
some Chinese, like reports that even after the extent of the situation was
known tourism authorities in Wuhan had issued 200,000 free travel coupons to tourist sites around the city, effectively encouraging crowds that
could further spread the disease.
And what of
local Party newspapers and websites?
Here is the front page today of Tianjin Daily, the official mouthpiece of the municipal Party committee there. It is virtually identical to the People’s Daily, first emphasizing next to the masthead Xi Jinping’s visit to Myanmar, then a big headline about Xi visiting Kunming and offering his New Year’s greetings.
Two stories about the coronavirus outbreak are squeezed into the bottom one-fifth of the front page, the first on Xi Jinping’s instructions and the second, quite predictably, about the actions being taken by the top leader of the municipality, Secretary Li Hongzhong (李鸿忠). This is very typical Party treatment, focusing on official actions (and away from details and human stories) with sensitivity to national and local power dynamics. Mention Xi Jinping first, then the local Party leadership.
If we turn
to Beijing Daily, the official Party mouthpiece of top Party leaders in
the capital city, we can find the most hard-headed example of focus shifting
and insensibility among official Party media outlets. The front page of the
newspaper today does not deal at all with the coronavirus outbreak.
The top
stories in the Beijing Daily are, in order of layout:
Xi Jinping’s visit to Myanmar and building of a “community of common destiny”
A story (with jump to page three) about Xi Jinping emphasizing a “strong military” during his visit in Yunnan province
Xi Jinping’s positive New Year’s message to people during his visit in Yunnan
A report about a city-level conference of the Party leadership
One might suggest that Party media at the local and national levels do not have their priorities straight. But these pages are clear declarations of priority, and they point to the very nature of the so-called “Party nature.” It is only that the sense of dissonance becomes more pronounced when the country faces a real and pressing crisis that should dominate the news.