Author: David Bandurski

Now Executive Director of the China Media Project, leading the project’s research and partnerships, David originally joined the project in Hong Kong in 2004. He is the author of Dragons in Diamond Village (Penguin), a book of reportage about urbanization and social activism in China, and co-editor of Investigative Journalism in China (HKU Press).

Dominoes for the Party Congress

This post made to Sina Weibo by Micro Newspaper (微报纸), an account with 335,000 followers, invited a flood of responses that were subsequently deleted by censors. The post shows students at Huazhong University of Science and Technology using dominoes to make Party flag that reads “18th National Congress,” referring to the upcoming session of top Chinese Communist Party leaders. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].
The original post, which not surprisingly remains undeleted on Sina Weibo, reads:

On the even of the Party’s 18th National Congress, the Huazhong University of Science and Technology uses dominoes to create an image of the Party flag and the words “18th National Congress,” expressing the ardent hope that the 18th National Congress will open successfully, and the sense of continued national blessing.


In one re-post that was deleted within an hour, user Qi Hongbo (漆洪波), wrote with a laughing emoticon:

Push them down! Push them down! Push them down! 推倒推倒推倒

Xu Ruiting (徐瑞延), a Weibo user with just under 12,000 followers who previously ran as an independent candidate for a people’s congress post in the city of Hangzhou, wrote:

Dominoes, push one down and they’ll all fall. 多米诺,一推全倒。


NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

Wukan official resigns from elected position

Zhang Jianxing (张建兴), a self-identified “rights defender” from the village of Wukan in China’s southern Guangdong province, reports on his Sina Weibo account today that Zhuang Liehong (庄烈宏), a prominent member of the village’s democratically elected leadership, has publicly announced his resignation.
An outspoken youth leader during protests in Wukan last year over corruption and land grabs by local officials, Zhuang Liehong was detained on December 3, 2011, and held for 20 days. The standoff between villagers and local authorities worsened through December, until provincial officials finally intervened to broker a compromise resulting in free and transparent elections in March this year.
Zhuang Liehong was among those elected to the newly constituted village committee. Ahead of the elections he vowed to fight to get back village land that had been taken. As the Saturday Age reported:

“I will retrieve the land that rightfully belongs to Wukan villagers!” said Zhuang Liehong, 28, in a speech punctuated with fist-pumps that whipped the crowd into a frenzy.

According to today’s Weibo post by Zhang Jianxing, Zhuang submitted his resignation to the village committee on October 21 because he felt he was “unable to handle the wishes of the villagers from within the village committee.” Zhang added:

“Lately, the upheaval in Wukan is quite serious. Lin Zuluan (林祖銮) [the leader of the revolt, now the elected Party chief] avoids going to work. . . Is change happening all over again in Wukan?

The following is a copy of Zhuang Liehong’s letter of resignation, posted to Weibo by Zhang Jianxing.

Shouting Out Against Demolition


The forced demolition of properties and removal of residents, or qiangzhi chaiqian (强制拆迁), is a major ongoing problem in China as cities continue their rapid expansion, and as the confiscation and development of land remains the major source of revenue for most city governments. The above cartoon, a poster drawn by “Easy Home Zhu Shimao” (轻松家朱时毛) and posted to Sina Weibo, speaks out against forced demolition. The man with a goatee and sunglasses is Zuo Xiao (左小), a well-known Chinese singer whose home in the city of Changzhou now faces demolition. He sits atop his home, which is labeled “condemned,” and clenches a fist in defiance. He holds a megaphone that labeled “microblog,” suggesting that like many others facing demolition Zuo Xiao is now turning to social media to make his case known. Behind Zuo Xiao is a sea of other megaphones. The large white characters on the poster read: “Opposing forced demolition concerns both you and me.” The Weibo post reads:

He’s held so many concerts before, but this time he [Zuo Xiao] really needs web users to sing along with him: opposing forced demolition concerns both you and me! You need to care today about someone else facing demolition because tomorrow it could be you going up against the heartless digging machine! Old Zhu [the artist, Zhu Shimao] drew this picture especially to support Zuo Xiao. If we don’t have the protection of a roof over our heads, then our fate is to be hogs!

Mo Yan: I will "speak the truth"

Ever since Chinese novelist Mo Yan (莫言) was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature on October 11, Chinese media have gone into overdrive reporting on the choice, often as a national victory for Chinese culture. Since Monday this week, at least 1,201 articles mentioning Mo Yan have appeared in China’s domestic newspapers. The vast majority of these are from commercial newspapers, but many provincial and city-level Party newspapers have also run coverage about Mo.


In today’s edition, the Chinese Communist Party’s official People’s Daily runs an interview with Mo Yan. He is asked for his thoughts on the honor, how the prize has changed him or his outlook on his work, for his views on contemporary Chinese literature.

At the end of the interview the People’s Daily asks Mo the question we all would like an answer to: “In your December 10 acceptance speech, what will you say?”
Mo Yan responds:

I will say things that are real. I will speak the truth. Actually, I have two acceptance speeches. One is five minutes long, another is 45 minutes long. I’ve not entirely prepared them. The next things I need to think about are these speeches. Some people have admonished me, saying I need to say this thing, and some have tried to inspire me to say that thing. As for me, well, I want more to use my own way to talk about what I aspire to, and to talk about the things I’m sincere about. The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences has stipulated that before November 5 I must inform them of the topic of my speech. Before November 12, I must deliver a copy of my speech to them. This allows them the time translate it, because the speech will be simultaneously translated over the 5 minutes.

Paint on a Smile!


Some Chinese commentators — including, for example, Larry Lang, a well-known economist at the Chinese University of Hong Kong — that China suffers from an irrational optimism about its own present and future that is conditioned by state propaganda and a deep-seated propensity toward denial. Lang argues in his most recent book, China’s Economic on the Brink of Danger, that China’s arrogant denial of systemic problems in its economy and political system is one of its greatest weaknesses. In this cartoon, posted by artist Kuang Biao (邝飚) to Sina Weibo via his latest account (many previous ones have been removed), China is represented by a figure covered from head to toe in bandages, crippled by a thousand cuts, injuries and ailments. The only part of the figure’s body that is unscathed is its right hand, which it uses to paint a red smile over its mouth with a pen.

Weibo post by CCTV News deleted

The following post made by the official Weibo account of the duty office at China Central Television’s news channel (CCTV News), was deleted from Sina Weibo sometime before 9:12 a.m. yesterday, October 16, 2012. The post simply reports breaking news about the death of two police officers in Kunming, the capital of Yunnan province, on October 15. The CCTV News duty office currently has just under 178,000 followers, according to Sina Weibo. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

[Two Police in Kunming’s Yiliang Sacrifice Their Lives On Duty] After 5 a.m. today, two policeman on duty in the Police Substation in the Old City in Kunming’s Yiliang County sacrificed their lives going out [to answer a call]. The China Central Television reporter has already verified this information, and relevant details of the case are presently under investigation. (CCTV journalist Liu Wenjie)

It is not clear why this Weibo post from CCTV News would be deleted by censors at Sina Weibo. News stories about the death of the two police officers are still available online, including this report on a Yunnan news site.
The original Chinese post reads:

【昆明宜良两民警出警后不幸牺牲】今日凌晨5点多,昆明市宜良县古城派出所两值班民警在接案出警后,不幸牺牲。目前央视记者已核实该信息,相关案情正在调查中。(央视记者 刘文杰)


NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

A keen reader, hoping for more and better

Professional journalism has made advancements in China over the past 20 years. But as journalists in China aspire to do strong and “independent” work in a newly complex media landscape subject to rigid political controls, the spirit of professional journalism lives a wandering existence. Professional journalism may thrive at this newspaper or that magazine for a time, but before long the inevitable happens — an order for suspension, the removal or “resignation” of core editors or investigative reporters. And the spirit moves on.
Through the 1990s, the professional spirit thrived at Guangdong’s Southern Weekly, where the editorial philosophy was an alloy of hope and realism: “There may be truths that we cannot speak, but we must never speak falsehoods.”
Over the next 10 years, as Southern Weekly suffered under relentless pressure from the Central Propaganda Department and its New Commentary Group, other publications matured as outlets for professional journalism. Hu Shuli’s Caijing magazine, which hit hard on business, finance and current affairs stories. The China Economic Times, published by the Development Research Center of the State Council, and home to investigative greats like Wang Keqin. And Cheng Yizhong’s Southern Metropolis Daily, which held China’s newspapers up to a new professional standard.
Professional success always meant courting political trouble, and in many cases editors and reporters left publications out of frustration and exhaustion, were sidelined or (often quietly) sacked. Still, journalists with a facility for “hitting line balls,” or skirting the edge of the politically acceptable, were in demand even if they were out of favor.
In 2011, Wang Keqin was forced to move on when China Economic Times disbanded his investigative reporting unit under political pressure. But Wang eventually landed at another commercial newspaper with big professional aspirations, the Economic Observer. Facing disagreements with the owners of Caijing over censorship and financing in 2009, Hu Shuli walked away from the magazine, a decision that cast a gloom over many aspiring professional journalists at the time. But Hu took most of her top editors with her, eventually founding Caixin Media, where she has continued to champion professional journalism.
The landscape of Chinese journalism is constantly shifting. Journalists with a sense of idealism and purpose come and go, and return.


[The cover of the inaugural edition of the new iSun Affairs magazine, published October 11, 2012.]
The launch last week (yes, here comes the nut graph) of iSun Affairs (阳光时务周刊), a Hong Kong-based current affairs magazine with strong ties to the mainland’s professional journalism scene, is the latest evolution on China’s professional journalism landscape. The publication marks the return (in glory?) of several of China’s top journalism pros.
iSun Affairs is a welcome development, and the magazine is definitely something to watch very, very seriously. But its inaugural issue, which sometimes tends to overdramatize, also invites a cautionary note: keep it cool.
Topping the list of comebacks at iSun Affairs is Cheng Yizhong, who spent more than 5 months in detention in 2004 on trumped up charges of corruption stemming from hard-hitting Southern Metropolis Daily reports in 2003. Cheng made a quiet return to China’s media in 2006, heading up the Chinese edition of Sports Illustrated.
Cheng, now the CEO of iSun Affairs, tops the magazine’s masthead right after the publisher, Chen Ping (陈平), a Hong Kong media mogul who is a hard-nosed writer and commentator in his own right.
The next comeback is the editor-in-chief, Chang Ping (长平), an outspoken veteran journalist who in 2001 was removed along with CMP Director Qian Gang as a top editor of Southern Weekly. Chang has been under relentless pressure from the mainland authorities since 2008, when he wrote a number of hard-hitting editorials, including one dealing with unrest in Tibet.
Notable among the magazine’s senior editors is Deng Zhixin (邓志新), who until recently was editorial page editor at Southern Metropolis Daily, which has faced intensified control this year. A smart professional editor, Deng was also one of the core people involved in the groundbreaking 21st Century World Herald before authorities shut the weekly newspaper down in 2003.
iSun Affairs has roots stretching beyond the world of professional Chinese journalism. One of its “special contributors” is Ai Weiwei (艾未未), a contemporary artist and social critic who hardly needs introduction.
Worthy of special note, one of several authors of the cover story to the October 11 edition is Chen Ziming (陈子明), a political scholar and activist who understands perhaps better than anyone China’s immense political challenges and their personal repercussions (he spent 13 years in jail after his involvement in the 1989 Tiananmen protests).
Chen Zimin’s piece (page 34) is definitely worth a considered read. . . Which brings us to some other editorial points.
I won’t linger unnecessarily on the magazine’s cover. I’ll note only its strangely ghoulish feel. The black and orange contrast, with a kind of pre-Halloween feel, frames the chief image, a disturbing sea of anonymous, zombie-like Hu Jintaos wearing red armbands. The Gate of Heavenly Peace is barely visible in the distance, obscured by sepulchral clouds of pollution belched out by industrial smokestacks.
Over the top? Maybe just a little bit? There is sometimes a fine line between the sensational (“Wow!”) and the sensational (“Oh, give me a break!”).
The baleful imagery continues on the cover story spread (pages 26-27), a stormy image of the Great Hall of the People foregrounded by a roiling herd of sheep that seem to be emerging from it. My initial reaction — which may or may not be typical — was that there is nothing implicit here. It is an explicit statement, that the delegates to the upcoming 18th National Congress are simply feeble sheep herded there by powerful (but inscrutable, like the Hu Jintaos on the cover) Party elites.

This reading is reinforced, I think, by the headline and summary, which read:

The 18th National Congress Syndrome
The “great meeting” of the Chinese Communist Party sets the authoritarian machinery of the entire country into motion. What is it that makes this political party that “represents the fundamental interests of the masses of China” so fearful? Perhaps, the symptoms we see around the 18th National Congress are just a representation, and China’s political system is already desperately sick.

In very fine print beneath the byline for this section of the cover story is a disclaimer curiously insisting that the image of sheep emerging from the Great Hall of the People is not meant to be “political.”

Image: “Dream Travel,” sheep densely cover the Great Hall of the People. By Liu Ren. The artist explains that the image does not have political implications, and he hopes that the viewers can also find joy and delight in the dignified and solemn Great Hall of the People.

I’m sorry, Liu Ren, but one price you pay for putting your work out in the world is that you lose control over its implications. What are we, as readers, supposed to make of this patronizing disclaimer? Is it meant ironically? Is it a symptom of editorial indecision, perhaps? Of the nagging voice that said, “Maybe this is a bit much.”
I don’t want to beat up on the magazine, which I confess I enjoyed reading. But I do hope the editors can stay cool. And I hope they can turn conscientiously to their professional duty to be tough and demanding of everyone. Yes, even of celebrity dissidents like Ai Weiwei. I’m not interested in the Ai Weiwei on page 92 of iSun Affairs, who is thrown softball questions on serious issues — Question: Talk about the Bo Xilai and Wang Lijun incidents.
As a magazine based in Hong Kong but stacked with all-star mainland journalists and deeply engaged with mainland issues, iSun Affairs has exciting potential. I hope the magazine can live up to the call — taking us, as Chang Ping wrote in his editor’s note “on a new journey of reading.” To achieve truly professional work, and (perhaps more importantly) to serve as an example to aspiring professional journalists in China, they will need to tough, intelligent and cool.


[ABOVE: Searches for “iSun Affairs” are already blocked on China’s Sina Weibo social media site.]

Post alluding to Nobel laureate Liu Xiaobo deleted

The following post by He Bing (何兵), deputy director of the School of Law at China University of Political Science and Law, was deleted from Sina Weibo sometime before 1:34 p.m. today, October 12, 2012. The post, which notes the recent Nobel Prize in literature for Chinese writer Mo Yan (莫言), makes an oblique reference to 2010 Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo, a political dissident who remains in prison in China. He Bing currently has more than 230,000 followers, according to numbers from Sina Weibo. [More on deleted posts at the WeiboScope Search, by the Journalism and Media Studies Centre].

As Mo Yan receives his [Nobel] prize, regardless of whether it is from the perspective of domestic or international politics, we should all consider changing the fortune of another Nobel Prize winner. Our country cannot remain idiotic to the very end. Full reconciliation is the prerequisite for a stable society.

The post is accompanied by a small picture of a man behind bars.


He Bing’s original Chinese post reads:

莫言获奖之际,无论从国内还是国际政治角度,都应当考虑改善另一诺奖获得者的际遇了。国家不能愚蠢到底。稳定社会的前提是全面和解。@胡锡进 以为如何?有时侯,诺奖就是一张小小的传票,一个在里头,一个在外头。


NOTE: All posts to The Anti-Social List are listed as “permission denied” in the Sina Weibo API, which means they were deleted by Weibo managers, not by users themselves.

The 18th National Congress Report Card

By QIAN GANG
As I hope I’ve illustrated through this series, China’s political watchwords can reward us with a wealth of information. These specialized vocabularies, and their shifts over time, provide a glimpse into China’s secretive political culture.
Analyzing China’s political watchwords would have been a painstaking process before the advent of computers and the Internet. Just imagine the time and immense effort it would require to sort through six decades of the People’s Daily for a phrase like “intraparty democracy.”
Fortunately, a new generation of digital search tools makes searching political watchwords in Chinese far easier. We now have, at our fingertips, the means to search through individual articles, through entire archives of a single newspaper, or even through hundreds of newspapers and websites over specified time periods.
With the help of these new search tools, watchwords become keys, allowing us to unlock China’s political past and present, and to make educated guesses about its future. Our basic measure is a given term’s frequency of use, which gives us a reading of that term’s temperature over time. Or, if you prefer, it shows us a term’s changing stock price. Is a watchword (and related ideas, policies or people) on the rise or in decline?
In this series, I’ve looked at the history, origin and context of various political watchwords used by the Chinese Communist Party. I’ve also looked at changes in the frequency of use and meaning of these terms over time.
Political change in China over the past 60 years has been attended by change in the meaning and frequency of political watchwords. Some terms, like “class struggle,” have faded into the past. Others, like “political reform,” have run hot and cold.


[ABOVE: What kind of score will we be able to give the political report to the 18th National Congress on the basis of our core watchwords? Flag image (checkmarks added) by Renato Ganoza posted to Flickr.com under Creative Commons license.]
The following is a bulleted list of basic points that I hope will help readers make sense of the upcoming 18th National Congress. If you like, you can think of these 10 key points as a basis on which we can come up with a report card telling us which direction the leadership seems likely to go on a number of important issues.
1. The Four Basic Principles (including Mao Zedong Thought).
These watchwords have strong significance as indicators of where Chinese politics is heading. If both of these terms are abandoned, this will signify the leadership’s intention to pursue political reform. If the phrase Four Basic Principles is used to the extent that we saw five years earlier, or its frequency is reduced only slightly, this will signal a perpetuation of the status quo, with no substantive progress on political reform. Any increase in the frequency of use of either term will suggest a political turnabout.
2. Stability Preservation.
If this hard-line term appears in the political report to the 18th National Congress (marking its coming of age as a Party watchword), this will be a serious sign of political backsliding. (Note that an increase for Term 1, the Four Basic Principles, accompanied by Term 2, “stability preservation,” would be a serious sign of political backsliding. If this happens, no situation with respect to the other watchwords below would override this more pessimistic reading.)
3. Cultural Revolution.
A return appearance of this term in 2012 could have special meaning. If the political report to the 18th National Congress attempts any sort of soul-searching about the Cultural Revolution, this could be read as positive sign pointing to possible political reform. If, however, the term is used only in the context of praise for China’s progress, its appearance will have little significance.
4. Political Reform.
Possible positive developments for this watchword at the 18th National Congress would be inclusion in a section header of the political report (which didn’t happen in 2007), or an overall increase in use of the term (which was mentioned five times in 2007). Any decrease in use would be a negative sign. We should also note whether the report includes Wen Jiabao-style language. For example, the appearance of the phrase “protecting rights, checking power” would be a positive sign. The appearance, on the other hand, of hard-line language such as “opposing Westernization” or the “Five Will Nots” would be a negative sign.
5. Power of Decision-Making, Power of Administration and Power of Monitoring.
For this phrase, which did appear in the political report to the 17th National Congress, the critical thing to look for is whether it reappears this year. The full 2007 phrase to look for is: “[The Party] must build and improve power structures for mutual conditioning and mutual coordination of the powers of decision-making, administration and monitoring, improving oversight mechanisms” (要建立健全决策权、执行权、监督权既相互制约又相互协调的权力结构,完善监督机制). If we do not see this phrase repeated in this year’s political report, that will be a negative sign. If the phrase is altered to include the idea of these powers operating independently of one another, that will be a positive sign.
6. Power Is Given by the People.
As I explained in my fifth article in this series, this phrase was introduced by Xi Jinping after the 17th National Congress. Any appearance of this term at all in this year’s political report will be a positive sign.
7. Social Construction.
The critical thing to watch here is whether the phrase “expanding the scope for self-governance at the grassroots,” which appeared in 2007, reappears in this year’s political report. If it disappears (and is not replaced by “social self-governance”) that will be a negative sign.
8. Intraparty Democracy.
This term appeared five times in the political report to the 17th National Congress, a relatively high frequency. In this year’s political report we will need to look both at how often the watchword appears, and at whether or not it is accompanied by language about more concrete measures, such as “open nomination and direct election,” “differential election” and “fixed tenure.”
9. Scientific View of Development.
The term, President Hu Jintao’s “banner term,” or qihao, appeared 21 times in the 2007 political report. If the term appears the same number of times or marginally less often in this year’s report, that will be normal. If, however, the term appears with greater frequency, this will signal that Hu intends to extend the influence of his banner term beyond the 18th National Congress. Also worth scrutiny is whether the meaning of the Scientific View of Development is changed in any way. For example, if there is an emphasis on “people-based” governance, or if there is mention of civil and political rights along the lines of what we saw in China’s National Human Rights Action Plan (2012-2015), then this will be a positive sign.
10. Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.
This watchword appeared a whopping 51 times in the political report to the 17th National Congress. Judging from Hu Jintao’s speech on July 23, 2012, this watchword, actually a changing medley of political terms, will become a term representing the banner terms for the last three generations of Chinese leaders — Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. If that’s true, we can expect the term to be used with even greater frequency. That would be the product of political balancing and would not necessarily signify positive or negative political developments.
Observers should carefully monitor how Socialism with Chinese Characteristics is defined in the political report. Specifically, we should look at whether that definition includes the Four Basic Principles or “one core, two basics” (which includes the Four Basic Principles). If either of these terms is bundled into the definition of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, that will occasion pessimism about the path ahead.
It remains to be seen which particular watchwords will be most useful in reading China’s political situation and prospects at the 18th National Congress. But I hope I’ve made the case that China’s political watchwords are more than just words — they are concrete outcomes of China’s internal politics. Of course, the study of the ups and downs of China’s specialized political vocabulary should always be combined with a keen eye for other political variables. After all, as this year’s Bo Xilai scandal has shown, China is always ready to surprise.

The Glare of Domination


Chinese media reported in October 2012 on a new tactic used by urban management officers, or chengguan, in the city of Wuhan in Hubei province. According to the new policy, chengguan now surround and stare down small-time peddlers or others (usually migrants) carrying out trade without proper permits — the idea being that this is a more humane method than the violence for which chengguan have become widely known. The news from Wuhan drew many responses on Chinese social media, with some arguing that this new tactic was a mark of progress and others saying that the stares of the chengguan were just another form of violence sanctioned by power. In the above cartoon, posted to online news portals and social media, four chengguan loom as two frightened looking peddlers hurry off with the vegetables they have presumably been selling on the street..