We are pleased to announce that CMP’s discourse analysis team has now released its monthly “discourse climate report” for September 2018, looking at how the core vocabularies of the Chinese Communist Party are moving in the official media, under the direction of Qian Gang. The report is available in Chinese below.
A few highlights. The report notes that the phrase pairing “one position as the highest authority, making the final decisions” (定于一尊, 一锤定音), which seemed to aggrandize Xi’s leadership position and was used in both July and August in the People’s Daily, was not used in September. You can read our July discussion of the history of these phrases here. The only use last month of the term “one position as the highest authority” in isolation came in a piece about the development of rule of law in China since the 18th National Congress of the CCP, and used the phrase in a negative context: “There does not exist in the world a model of rule of law that is in a position of supremacy, nor does there exist a path to rule of law that can be applied everywhere.”
The September report also takes a look at the history in the People’s Daily of the term “socialist transformation” (社会主义改造). The term became a topic of discussion outside official state media in September, thanks in large part to an online post claiming China was entering a “second era of socialist transformation.” For a summary of this story, our readers can turn to Qian Gang’s October 3 analysis.
Our September report concludes with a look back on the history of the phrase “supervision by public opinion” (舆论监督), which in the reform era has long encompassed the notion that the press should have a role in monitoring power.
The phrase was used more actively after 1992, following Deng Xiaoping’s “southern tour,” and by 1994 was being given a definite degree of priority by the top leadership. The period from 2003-2012 marked what now appears in retrospect to have been a rare decade for “supervision by public opinion,” in which the phrase signaled the rising power (and right) of the media to set the agenda through more critical, and even investigative, coverage — aided by changes in technology, and by the general development of (more or less) civil society (公民社会).
Since 2013, and the final ill-fated “New Century Forum on News Supervision By Public Opinion” (新世纪新闻舆论监督研讨会) — a conference on watchdog journalism organized for more than a decade by CMP fellow Zhan Jiang (展江) — the environment for “supervision by public opinion” has worsened considerably. The phrase “supervision by public opinion” has been usurped almost entirely by the phrase “channeling of public opinion” (引导舆论), a term for the active control by the authorities of news topics and discussion.
As a phrase of importance, it seems, “supervision by public opinion” is history.
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九月语象速递丨全凭爹爹做主
9月,17级台风“山竹”袭击广东-海南沿海;女性维权声浪中,滴滴事件一波未平,快递事件又掀波澜。在词云图中,16字长语热度不减。
“定于一尊”“一锤定音”组合曾出现于7、8两月的人民日报,分别为4次、3次,语温属“冷”;9月则在人民日报零出现。
9月7日新华社通稿《努力创造无愧于新时代的光辉业绩》报道对5月中央办公厅印发的《关于进一步激励广大干部新时代新担当新作为的意见》的反应。文章使用了“定于一尊 一锤定音”,全国仅19份报纸刊发。人民日报没有转载这篇通稿,而是刊登了该报记者采写的同题材报道《让想干事者有机会 让能干事者有舞台》,未使用“定于一尊,一锤定音”。延伸至全国报纸,九月在报纸上未出现“定于一尊 一锤定音”的省(市)有:北京、天津、上海、河北、吉林、黑龙江、江苏和安徽。
人民日报本月惟一一次使用“定于一尊”,是负面意义的,《绘就全面依法治国的斑斓画卷——党的十八大以来我国全面推进依法治国新成就综述》一文提到:“世界上不存在定于一尊的法治模式,也不存在放之四海而皆准的法治道路”。
有趣的是,上海新民晚报9月13日刊登《同娱盛夏“大家猜”》的文章,提到在上海工人文化宫的灯谜大家猜活动中,有一条谜面是戏剧中常用的语句“全凭爹爹做主”,打一成语。谜底是“定于一尊”(尊,令尊,父亲也)。
全球金融危机之后,我国金融监管经历了一系列的探索和模式演变。2008年推出4万亿的投资计划。在逆周期的经济刺激政策之下,国民经济在2012年之后开始企稳回升,但是由于原有的产业结构升级并未到位,4万亿的投资计划给国民经济带来的负面冲击如产能过剩、资产价格泡沫等问题日益显现。同时,国家经济发展面临的外部环境日益复杂,经济积累的系统性风险上升,每一次危机都意味着金融监管的失败和随之而来的重大变革。
9月,金融监管相关组织也是动作频频,通过“微信指数”,可看出相关活动及讨论的传播走势。
临近改革开放40周年纪念日,2018年9月,中国网络上出现多篇逆改革开放的文章或讲话。
9月11日,一个叫吴小平的人提出“中国私营经济已完成协助公有经济发展的任务,应逐渐离场”。
同一天,人力资源和社会保障部副部长邱小平在一个会议上讲话,号召私营企业职工“参与企业管理、共享企业发展成果”。
仅仅5天后,9月16日,一个党校教授发表下面的文章:
“舆论监督”是改革开放在新闻传播领域的旗舰性话语。1986年(不含)以前,这个词语在人民日报一共只出现过7次。
党媒语境下的舆论监督,经历了勃发(1988)、消沉(1989-1991)、震荡(1992-2002)、博弈(2003-2012)和淡出(2013-2018)。1980年以来,语温基本保持在“温”和“暖”区间,如下图所示。
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